أركاماني.ARKAMANI

مجلة الآثار والأنثروبولوجيا السودانيةSudan Journal of Archaeology & Anthropology

English
سودان المستقبل

From Baghdad to Darfur

extracted from Al-Ahram Weekly 12-18 August 2004

From Baghdad to Darfur

The predicament the Sudanese regime is facing sounded too familiar to some Arab commentators this week, writes Rasha Saad

The extraordinary Arab League meeting rallying around Sudan in its bid to avoid possible UN sanctions over the crisis in Darfur was the focus of many Arab commentators this week. For most writ­ers the present Sudanese scenario and conflict with the UN and US bring to mind the developments in Iraq prior to the invasion.

In his commentary in the London ­based Lebanese daily Al-Hayat on Mon­day Erfan Nezameddin asked if Sudan's turn had come, so soon after Iraq.

The writer drew attention to several similarities between the Sudanese scenario and the scenario of the invasion of Iraq. Most significantly, the invasion of Iraq was argued on the claim that Bagh­dad possessed weapons of mass destruction and that its regime com­mitted war crimes against its own citizens. The same allegations are now resurfacing against Sudan especially as the media campaign focuses on images of genocide, killing and rape in Darfur. where hundreds of thousands of ref­ugees risk dying of famine.

Secondly, according to Nezameddin, the claim that Darfur harbors terrorists is waiting in the wings for the Sudanese government - just as Iraq was accused with ties to AI-Qaeda and of hosting some of its terrorist members.

"The motives behind waging war against both Iraq and Sudan are the same," wrote Nezameddin. "The war on Iraq was concerned with controlling the oil, among other motives. They have the same motives against Sudan which en­joys a fortune of oil, natural gas as well as natural and mineral wealth," he ex­plained.

Nezameddin highlighted other points of resemblance. Iraq, he pointed out, is the Arab gate to Muslim and non ­Muslim Asian countries while Sudan, on the other hand, is the historical Arab gate to Muslim and non Muslim African countries and has been a bridge of di­alogue between the Arabs and the Af­ricans - a role which foreign powers, most notably Israel, combat. "Israel, which is seeking to spread its economic, political and financial control in Africa is obviously fighting such dialogue;" he argued.

Nezameddin echoes a widely-held Arab view when he argues that the Su­danese regime holds the greater part of the responsibility for the tragedies of Su­dan in general and the Darfur region in particular. "With the dictatorship that caused the fall of state institutions and the destruction of human and economic infrastructure, the Sudanese regime is responsible for what happened," he stressed. He compared the Sudanese government to that of Saddam Hussein "who was responsible for Iraq's de­struction due to his dictatorship, corrup­tion, the wars he waged and lost against his neighboring countries and his fail­ure to protect his country against foreign aggression; leaving it open to the oc­cupation, misery, chaos and destruction it is witnessing these days:"

In a column entitled "Darfur: a re­currence of the tragedy in Iraq" pub­lished on Sunday in the London-based Saudi daily Asharq Al-Awsat, the Arab diplomat Abu Ahmed Mustafa opened fire on the Arab League and on "the Arab mentality" which, ac­cording to him, supports Arab rulers, be they right or wrong. "They did this with the Iraqis while they were suf­fering from hard times during Saddam Hussein's rule and they are doing the same with some extremists in the Su­danese government who trained, armed, financed and backed the gangs who committed atrocities against the Sudanese people in Darfur." In an ob­vious reference to Arab League mem­bers, the writer was critical of "those who are calling, for granting the Su­danese government a chance to carry ­out its ethical duties towards its citizens in a way that will only enable the armed militias to use such a grace period to accomplish its mission of getting rid of the rest of the vulnerable people of Darfur."

Mustafa plainly criticized the Arab League for its silence since the development of the tragedy in Dar-fur: "We have not heard one word from the League that reflects its concern or even its knowl­edge of what is inflicted on these Su­danese people at the hands of wanton militias."

Sarcastically, the writer asked when the Arab League had intervened in the Iraqi crisis: "The League did not take ac­tion when Saddam attacked Iraqis in the south with gas, or when he buried chil­dren, men and women alive. The League only moved when it had to present the shameful Arab viewpoint on the Iraqi is­sue to Europe and the US."

This article being published on the same day the Arab League emergency meeting was taking place. the writer ad­vised his readers in advance not to expect the League to have an effective move or the Arab leaders to call, on the Sudanese government to stand up to its responsibilities or punish the killers. "In the Arab tradition this is considered an internal affair, the same way they dealt with the atrocities of Saddam the Great;' he reasoned.

Other commentators while welcoming the Arab League's involvement believe it came somewhat late. They believe the Sudanese conflict is a test for the League itself.

In its Monday editorial, the Jordanian daily Addostourargued that the ability of the Arab League itself to intervene and solve even one issue within an Arab framework is under scrutiny. "The Arab League should at this point prove its ability to intervene otherwise it will harm Sudan more than it will benefit it. The League should start taking practical steps to implement the resolutions it adopted at Sunday's meeting. A fading of the League's role after the emergency meeting might imply that Sudan is not responding even to the Arab states whom it is supposed to trust:"

In the same issue of Addostour, Abu Yazan joined many writers who rec­ommended the formation of an Arab peace-keeping force in Darfur to help es­tablish security, protect Arab and Af­rican civilians, monitor the disarming of the rebels and guarantee the delivery of humanitarian aid to the plagued region.

This force could also expand to in­clude African countries: "We should re­frain from ignoring the black continent which supported our national causes since the dawn of Arab independence until now. The African Union has al­ways adopted balanced stances towards the conflicts in Sudan:" he argued.

"There is a need for an Arab African eye to get a first-hand idea of matters on the ground. It is needed to fill a vacuum many Western countries are ready to fill and to re-establish confidence in the Arab League and prove it is capable of handling national conflicts," Abu Yazan added.

Abdel-Wahab Badrakhan also blamed the Sudanese government for the present dilemma. Writing on Sunday in the Em­irati newspaper Al-Ittihad he reasoned that the reluctance of the Sudanese gov­ernment throughout the previous months to address the Darfur crisis made foreign intervention inevitable. "Khartoum shouldn't have left the mess in Darfur to reach the level of ethnic cleansing that appears to many to be intentional and planned. Such reluctance allowed the LS Congress to describe what happened there as genocide." he argued. Ba­drakhan however welcomed the Su­danese government's "determination" to solve the problem but recommended that "it should accelerate its pace to prevent any foreign intervention to re-surface as an alternative option:"

Badrakhan recalled that the Darfur cri­sis started nearly 20 months ago, at which time the Americans along with the British and the international community turned the other way, focusing instead on negotiations between Khar­toum and the southern Sudanese. Interest in Darfur, Badrakhan stressed. did not begin until these negotiations had ended. However, he predicted that the escala­tion of the Darfur crisis has changed cal­culations "and might push the nego­tiating parties to reconsider the terms of their agreement:"

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