Arkamani.ARCHAEOLOGY · ANTHROPOLOGY

Sudan Journal of Archaeology & AnthropologyThe Arkamani archive

Research article

Hope for peace in Sudan

Modern history & documents

Hope for peace in Sudan

A limited interview with a spokesman from a Sudanese liberation movement

Interview conducted by Robert Christian

Editor and publisher

The weekly newspaper and UC Review

In the midst of the killing of thousands of black Muslim men, women and children by government-backed Arab militias, and the displacement of more than a million civilians, the international community is still debating whether these atrocities in Darfur, the western region of Sudan, are a type of genocide.

It is ironic that a month ago, African countries elected Sudan as a member of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights.

This appears to be an ancient battle on the surface: Africans are peasants, and Arabs are shepherds. However, the fighting in Darfur began 15 months ago when African Muslim groups rose up against the Arab-dominated central government. These Africans are among the many groups that have been marginalized in the political process in Sudan.

Western governments, international relief agencies, and the United Nations are in a race against time to get aid to Darfur. As Deputy Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs Jan Ejkeland warned, “If we waste time, hundreds of thousands of people, mainly women and children, will die.” All of this comes in the wake of celebrations in South Sudan on the occasion of the recent signing of a comprehensive peace agreement ending the North-South war that has lasted for nearly a quarter of a century and taken with it more than two million lives. The importance of this agreement cannot be overstated. Ultimately, a successful peace and power-sharing with the south could provide a long-awaited solution in Darfur.

Since Sudan gained independence from Britain in 1956, it has been governed by a relative minority of Arab elites, less than democratic.

In 1983, then-President Jaafar Numeiri announced the implementation of Islamic law, which punished theft, adultery, murder and related crimes according to a definitive interpretation of the Qur’an. Alcohol and gambling were prohibited. Although South Sudan is composed of Christian Africans and Africans who adhere to traditional religions. The central government, according to The Economist, over the years “to crush the long-standing insurgency of infidel southerners... routinely bombed villages, encouraged its militias to enslave southerners, and deliberately sponsored starvation.”

It is not surprising that the new peace agreement brought joy in the south, in addition to the slaughter of three bulls as a sacrifice at three symbolic points, in which the revolutionaries had previously lost battles that broke out in which they lost many deaths. The two sides agreed to share power for a period of six years (in addition to sharing the profits from Sudanese oil fields, which were the subject of a previous dispute). At the end of this transitional period, there will be a general referendum that will allow the South to decide whether or not it wishes to remain within a new, unified Sudan or become independent.

Dr. John Garang, commander of the Sudan People's Liberation Army/Movement, recently addressed a celebratory audience in the dusty city of Yei. “Peace is not in the papers we signed in Nairobi, but in what the widows and orphans think it will bring them.”

It seems that the Sudanese will enjoy peace, at least in the south, but can they maintain it? What will its impact be on Darfur? These are some of the questions that Al-Madina University Magazine/the weekly newspaper was able to pose to the official spokesman for the Sudan People's Liberation Army/Movement and negotiator in the recent peace agreement, Mr. Yasser Arman, who visited Philadelphia last week, speaking to the Sudanese community here, with the aim of introducing them to the terms of the agreement.

We met in the office of Mr. Siddiq Hadi, a businessman in West Philadelphia and a long-time activist in the Sudanese community. Arman is a stoic and modest man, in his forties, who spent sixteen years in the bush fighting for peace and freedom. He is of medium build, tidy, and full of calm, intelligence, and strength.

Explain that Sudan is the largest country in Africa; It borders nine countries. “Geopolitically,” Arman says, “it will have a positive or negative impact on those neighboring countries. Sudan occupies a strategic location,” Arman continues, saying, “Therefore, it is a link between the Middle East and black Africa.” He refers to it as a small “Baqqarah” that includes more than 570 different ethnic groups and more than a hundred languages.

“You find all the religions of the world, including African religions. Therefore, it is, in itself, like a small continent, and if it is well managed and if it has a government, based on this diversity, it can become a model for all of Africa in miniature.” Arman has great hopes that this peace agreement will have a chance of success this time.

We asked him...why?

Arman says, “There is a book written by a well-known South Sudanese politician, called Many Agreements That Were Not Respected. It is a book about agreements that were not respected by the central government throughout modern history. But I think that the nature of this agreement is very different. It is qualitatively different from previous agreements.”

He immediately adds, “First, this agreement has basic organic guarantees. One of the guarantees: The Sudan People’s Liberation Movement decided that the first issue that requires a solution between us and the central government should be a security agreement. And in this agreement, for a guerrilla movement, one of the tools, one of the most important elements for us is our army. The achievement of this peace agreement is in many ways the product of the army’s sacrifices and armed struggle. Therefore, now in this peace agreement, in contrast to previous agreements, now, we have agreed to remain two armies. Separately during the transitional period to ensure that the agreement is not renounced.”

Arman continues, “The second organic guarantee includes relations between the South and the central government. In the past, there were no resources allocated to the Government of the South to manage its affairs and provide basic services. In this agreement, 50% of the oil revenues will be ours. This will allow the Government of the South to be independent and stand on its feet.”

This agreement must ultimately find support from the Sudanese people themselves, who have made many sacrifices. This is why we insisted on the necessity of a democratic transformation. There must be freedoms and party pluralism."

Arman talks about external guarantees. “This agreement came as a result of the engagement of the regional community and the international community, led by the United States of America and those countries, and they were all deeply connected. The trilateral group consisting of the United States, Britain, and Norway is linked to the calculations of this agreement. Also, this agreement will be submitted to the United Nations Security Council (unlike previous agreements) for approval. After we sign the final agreement, which we are supposed to sign in July or not after August, we will sign it at the Presidential Palace in Nairobi, and then we will be invited to the Rose Garden at the White House. There will be a celebration of the signing ceremony. President George Bush presented both sides. This will mean involving an important country, the most active country in international politics, the United States, in the agreement.

Finally, Arman concludes, “The agreement will be presented to the American public, which has previously expressed interest in Sudan due to human rights violations and religious persecution. We are grateful for the support provided by human rights activists, Christian groups, the Black Committee, and the Afro-American community.”

“We need every effort and help we can get in rebuilding Sudan. Sudan is a very rich country. We need the United States to participate in both the implementation of the agreement and the development of Sudan. Ultimately, this agreement means the development of basic services and the democratic transition.”

We asked, "Mr. Arman, the agreement includes sharing power. What form will the sharing take?"

Arman answers, “The agreement is based on the concept that there will be one country during the transitional period and two different systems. The system in the south is based on a secular government, and the system in the north is based relatively on Islamic laws.”

“The Sudan People's Liberation Movement (SPLM) will have 70% of power in the south and then 15% for the National Congress Party, and will reserve 15% for other opposition groups. At the state levels: the Sudan People's Liberation Movement 70%, 10% for the National Congress Party, and 20% for other opposition groups.

We asked, “Yes, but will there be power-sharing at the central government level?”

Arman replied: “In the central government, the Sudan People's Liberation Movement will have the position of First Vice President of the Republic. This First Vice President has constitutional powers such that together with the President of the Republic they constitute the presidency of the Republic. There are some points related to the limitations of the agreement where the President of the Republic and the Vice President of the Republic will share decisions. The First Vice President of the Republic will be the head of the SPLA/SPLM. The SPLA/SPLM will have 28% in the national government, and The Executive and Legislative Council: The current ruling party will retain 52% of power, while the other opposition forces will have 14%. Therefore, the opposition together will have 48% of the power in the central government.

Arman believes that, in order for there to be a unified Sudan by the end of the transitional period, the country must be rearranged on a new basis. He says that the central government should try to make the option of unity attractive. Arman says that the old unity, which relied on “specific constants” of Arabism and Islamism, must be reformed in a way that recognizes Sudan’s distinctive ethnic and religious diversity.

“For this agreement to find support from the Sudanese people, we need a national consensus. It must include the National Democratic Rally as well as other opposition forces. We must not exclude anyone. We must have national programs that satisfy the majority of Sudanese political forces. In order to avoid polarization during the transitional period, we must bring the political forces closer together.

The duration of the transitional period is six years. During the first three years, we will have a national government that includes some political forces. It may not satisfy everyone, and it does not completely satisfy our aspirations at the same time. But this is the minimum we could do to end the war and move towards democratic transformation.

“Then, during these three years, we will have a mechanism that leads to the next phase. There will be elections at various levels. The agreement will bring about ways and means that will secure the contribution of all political forces. The SPLM/A will work together with the National Democratic Rally and other political forces to ensure that we have a national program that creates a national consensus among the political forces. By the end of this month, we are supposed to hold a meeting of the leadership council of the National Democratic Rally in Cairo. We will discuss together with our allies the new conditions. What is important for us and our allies is to acknowledge this new situation and continue to deal as usual. The agreement will bring transformation. He will end the war. These are two core issues that we are working on.”

We asked Arman the question: “What influence will the SPLM/A have on the Darfur crisis?”

Arman replied: “We are absolutely clear about the situation in Darfur. We believe that the people of Darfur have a just cause. They have been marginalized over the years, politically, economically, and culturally by the central government. The issues of Darfur must be addressed in a correct manner. These issues must be understood, especially by the government, and in their correct content. These issues cannot be solved militarily. The government tried that in South Sudan and failed. They will also fail in Darfur. We support the process We are also encouraged by the international community's interest in finding political solutions for Darfur and the serious human rights violations in Darfur.

“The current agreement we have reached with the government will provide a positive environment on which we can proceed to reach a solution in Darfur. We made it very clear with the central government that if we succeeded in resolving the issue of the war in the south and other regions while the war continued in the west, we would not have accomplished anything. It will be a continuation of the same crisis. We will end up with instability. The SPLM/A will not endorse a war against the people of Darfur who are demanding their rights. We are a national liberation movement. We are optimistic that the government and the SPLM/A, together with the international community, can bring a just and peaceful solution to the conflict in Darfur.”

We asked a final question, “Mr. Arman, given the human rights violations in the war against the South and now in the West, will the SPLM/A insist on bringing the criminals to justice?”

He replied, “The situation is very complicated. You know, we negotiated a peace agreement. We did not defeat the central government. In the negotiation process, you cannot expect the other party to incriminate itself and bring itself to justice.

“We have the example of South Africa, where the apartheid regime committed many crimes and Nelson Mandela was mechanically suppressed through the Truth and Reconciliation Commission. We are trying to achieve a similar reform. We talked about reconciliation. We have to create a mechanism. This is not part of the agreement we reached. But if there are any serious groups, human rights activists, who want to pursue these cases, we will not stand in their way.

“We are realistic. We do not believe that with this agreement we will force the government to sign a suicide certificate. This will not make a peace agreement possible.”

Mr. Arman, thank you for giving us this meeting

"Mr. Christian, thank you. Sudan has become part of Philadelphia. Our people are here. We are part of this great city and this great country. We have become part of the American experience. I hope that our relations will grow. At the same time, we are an ancient country with great civilizations, and we will also contribute positively to the melting pot that is the United States. We need the support of the American people to help us establish peace and freedom in our homeland."

Home pageComprehensive contentsNew Kush

Names, dates and publication details are retained in their original historical context.

Both editions provide access to the same publication, reusing published translations where available and adding machine-assisted translations for other texts. Original author and translator credits refer to the original edition; consult it for scholarly quotation.