The emergence and establishment of the Napata Kingdom (tenth century - mid-eighth century BC)
With a great deal of confidence it is now possible to completely abandon the hypothesis that the first rulers of Napata, who laid the foundations for the greatness of Kush, Alara, Kashta and their predecessors, were descendants of the priests of Thebes, who in the years of chaos that struck Egypt found refuge in the south, or the hypothesis that the founding kings were of Libyan origin. It seems that the process of unification of Kush was completed during the reign of Kashta. Kashta was the first to assume royal titles for himself, and in later times he was considered the founder of the greatness of the Nabataean dynasty. It is possible that he summarized the first campaign against Egypt.
Napata's prosperity is apparently explained by its location at the northern end of the caravan route coming from the south. Here I found a land characterized by fertile soil, which contributed to the prosperity of the local population. At Gebel Barkal stood the temple of Amun - the main deity of Kush. Napata then became the main religious center of the country.
Contrary to the assertion of both Manetho and Dideros, the Twenty-Fifth Dynasty (called the Ethiopian Dynasty) included not three kings, but five kings, and in all these five ruled for nearly a century. Napata remained the official capital, where, based on the titles of officials, an administrative system was established on the Egyptian model, but not entirely, since the designations of the Egyptian titles and positions of the local nobility did not always reflect the actual functions they performed. The country was divided into regions, each named after its largest city. Chiefs and chiefs, along with priests, constituted the ruling class, and were subordinate to the Napata either directly or through regional governors.
Political instability in the Delta, and the better organization and superior armament of the Assyrian army decided its victory over Kush. Kush became isolated from the Mediterranean world. Then the Napata kings began to expand their activities towards the south.
It is possible that contact with Assyria, to some extent, contributed to the Kushites becoming acquainted with the art of smelting iron ore and the development of the iron industry, which had a far-reaching impact on the development of productive forces. From Egypt, the Kushites had taken many customs, beliefs, crafts, some artistic and architectural styles, the priestly organization, and possibly some state apparatus. All of this contributed to accelerating the rates of development in Kush. The tendency to cling to the old, which characterized the pharaohs of the Twenty-fifth Dynasty, is a characteristic of periods of decline and of rulers who do not dispute the legitimacy of their authority. They strove to consolidate that power, imitating kings who possessed unquestioned rights codified by ancient myths and legends. These precedents facilitated the policy of Piya and his closest successors in Egypt. The pharaohs of the Twenty-fifth Dynasty affirmed their loyalty to ancient traditions through the full patronage they extended to priests and religion. This tendency, in addition to the war they led against Assyrian aggression, seems to have become the basis for the emergence of the popular legend that has been preserved over time in the writings of Herodotus and Strabo about the “benevolent Ethiopians,” about the lawgiver king Sabakon (Shabaka), and about the “great conqueror” Taharqa.
The beginning of the third stage corresponds to the loss of Egypt by the Napata kings, but like the Meroe kings, they did not give up the claim, even formally, of the legitimacy of ruling Egypt, so they continued to hold full, undiminished Pharaonic titles. For the Libyan kings of Egypt, the Napata kings represented a constant source of threat, especially since great sympathy for the Napata kings permeated the priestly class and some of the rulers of the Delta. The campaign against Napata launched by Psamtik II in 591 BC was defeated. Hostile activities continued between the two sides, and political refugees found refuge in Kush. Despite this, trade exchange between the two countries did not stop, and it is possible that the caravans reached as far as Sennar.
The defeat appears to have increased Kush's isolation from the north, and was likely among the reasons that led to the transfer of the capital from Napata to Meroe. With the rise of Meroe, a new phase in the country's history begins. This stage was characterized first and foremost by the shift of the center of gravity in domestic and foreign policy to the South.
The new capital was located at the crossroads of trade routes leading to the south and east. The lands here were more spacious than in Napata, and in the summer there was rain, and the nearby inhabitants were able to benefit from its bounties. Iron ore was not far from the area. Dunham's hypothesis regarding the existence of "two clans" of local residents and Nabatean leaders, which he proposed based on his study of the western and southern cemeteries in Al-Bajrawiyah Dunham 1963, is difficult to confirm. It may be related to social hierarchy. Napata remained for a long time to come the most important religious center of the country.
Regarding the rule of the direct successors of Aspalta (593-568 BC), we are ignorant of them. Judging from the available antiquities, this period is characterized by further weakening of links with Egypt, primarily cultural links. In the language of the Annals of Kings, the pace of “savagery” is increasing. But for the most part, the country remained prosperous. Shortly before, agricultural sites with high population densities were discovered to the south of Meroe, which indicates the existence of a sufficiently strong state. When stability was lost, the population turned to pastoralism. According to the royal annals, the priestly class, especially the priests of Amun, had wide influence and received valuable gifts. It took Kush, although it was not as direct and not as strong as in other countries, starting in the third century BC. In engaging in the life of the Hellenistic world. Successful campaigns, huge wealth, gold mines, and effective and active mediation in trade between the interior regions of the African continent and Egypt - all of this worked to the benefit of the prosperity of the Kingdom of Meroe, making it one of the wealthiest countries of that period.
The Ptolemies had an interest in the arrival of goods brought from the regions extending to the south and southwest of Kush. Therefore, they sought to maintain peace with their southern neighbor. This was the time of prosperity of Northern Nubia. Both the Ptolemies and the Meroes tried to exploit the gold mines in the eastern desert, and they were also concerned with securing the main road that was then across the Nile. Only from the middle of the third century BC. This main road gradually moved from the Nile to the Red Sea. Intensive trade exchange with Egypt and the arrival of the Greeks to Meroe helped in the renaissance of local culture. The hypothesis that Kush was divided in this period into two kingdoms, the first centered in Napata and the second in Meroe, which continued for nearly a century, does not find a single fact to support it (1). The kings of the so-called Meroe dynasty of Napata can be confidently counted among the list of Meroe kings. Evidence of its rapid demise is that Arnkanani, who is considered one of its kings, ruled in Meroe.
King Arkamani (248-220 BC), who eliminated the custom of ritual assassination of the king, implemented reforms that strengthened the king's authority and eliminated some remnants of the previous clan structure.
At the beginning of the first century BC, the form of peaceful relations with Egypt changed to become more hostile, which may be due to the continuous support provided by Kush to the Egyptian revolutionaries in southern Egypt in their resistance to the Greek occupation. It is possible that Armakhes and Ankhmases, who controlled Thebes in the period 206-186 BC. They belong to Kushite origin. In addition, as we mentioned previously, trade routes began to shift more and more to the Red Sea. With the beginning of the first century BC, we notice a decline in the size of the pyramids of the royal cemeteries in Meroe, with a clear decline in the funerary contents, decoration, and decorations. This may have been caused by an internal crisis in the country due to the collapse of trade, Bedouin attacks, or both.
It is not surprising that it is precisely to this period that the emergence of its own writing system in Meroe dates back. This reform had great cultural and historical importance: for the first time in Africa, alphabetic writing (Alif-Bay) appeared. It was formed, regardless of the great Egyptian influence, and then the Greek influence, the local Meroe culture, which is still somewhat outside the attention of scholars. The construction activity of huge architectural structures - temples, palaces, and castles - continued not only in the capital, but in the countryside as well. Despite the “archaic” styles that characterize architecture and sculpture, the Kushites succeeded in creating their own styles, using themes of their local environment. There is no greater error than the claim that Meroe art represents a decline in Egyptian art. Such a claim completely neglects to re-perceive and adapt what is quoted according to the circumstances. It is enough to refer only to the wonderful pottery, which is distinguished by its thin walls, and which is no less in quality than the best and most famous products of Neocrates pottery. Meroe is gradually developing its own distinct urbanity, producing its own “cultural elite,” if we may use that term here. Time has preserved for us the ruins of the 1916 Griffith Observatory, sundials have been found, and without knowledge of the elements of geometry it would not have been possible to build temples. The names of astrologers and priests are known - “the ones who know the time, when the sun and the moon rise,” “the keepers of the royal books of Kush.” Griffith 1916
Meroe's goods became widespread and in great demand in Greece and Rome. The perception of Kush there was associated with all that was wonderful and unusual, and provided material for writers and chroniclers.
The hypothesis regarding the existence of a second Meroe dynasty in Napata also seems wrong: its lands entered into the possessions of the Meroe kings, since to the north of Napata there were territories belonging to them; But it is a remote possibility that a state this weak would be able independently, even with the help of a powerful southern neighbour, to stand up to Rome, and, finally, if we acknowledge the existence of this dynasty, it remains incomprehensible why its kings left their inscriptions in Meroe.
Although the war with Rome, which ended the fourth stage of the existence of the Napata-Meroe kingdom, ended with the defeat of the latter, peace was concluded on excellent terms for it. Kush, despite the destruction of Napata, remained a powerful enough enemy, and Rome, with the aim of maintaining calm in Egypt, avoided escalating the situation with Kush. In addition, the Romans had an interest in the goods brought from there, even though they were less than what was previously brought.
Kingdom of Meroe. The second stage: the beginning of the collapse and disappearance (first century BC - about the middle of the fourth century AD) Kingdom of Meroe. The second stage: beginning
After the war with Rome, the final stage of its history began for the Kingdom of Meroe. The religious center of the country was moved to Meroe; Political and economic aspirations turned south, and links with the Mediterranean world were gradually severed. This period is mostly due to the emerging relations between Meroe and India, and it seems that the idea of cotton cultivation was borrowed from India.
Currently, we still lack information about the internal history of the Kingdom of Meroe in the last centuries of its existence. It is possible that from the middle of the first century AD, or shortly thereafter, the features of the coming crisis began to appear, it seems, in the north, initially where villages and cities turned into deserted areas. In that period, the trade routes of the Mediterranean world had completely and permanently shifted to the sea. It is worth taking into account the general shocks that the Roman Empire experienced. In the Nile Valley, Bedouin tribes appeared, which forced Rome to engage in an extended series of clashes. All of this must have caused the collapse.
It is possible that climate change had a fatal impact on the history of Meroe: since the first century before AD, rainfall rates began to decline, and thus the areas of agricultural land and pastures decreased, due to drought, which led to a decrease in the size of herds. The agricultural economy, the backbone of the population's well-being, began to collapse. Pastoral campaigns by tribes increased. It is possible that the tribal chiefs and sheikhs had ceased to be subservient to Meroe.
The internal crisis weakened Kush's military power. It is possible that the material standard of living had been subjected to a decline for the direct producers, from whom the authorities, both central and regional, were trying to absorb everything possible. All of these causes and their consequences combined in their entirety to ultimately lead to the registration of the death certificate of the Kingdom of Meroe. However, her memory, as documented in the Kordofanian legends, has remained in the people’s memory to this day.
This is how the political history of the Napata Meroe Kingdom appears in its general outlines. In this general presentation, much must have been overlooked.
It remains for us to briefly review the governmental and economic structure of Kush.
The political (governmental) and economic structure of Kush
The majority of the population of Meroe Island practiced a semi-pastoral-agricultural economy, spending part of the year at their sites on the banks of the rivers, cultivating and reaping the land, and after the harvest moving their herds inland. In some areas, especially the mountainous ones (the Atbara River and the Blue Nile), bordering the Nile to the east, agriculture formed the primary activity of the tribes living there.
It is possible to assume, based on ethnographic analogies, that sheikhs and leaders, and primarily kings, owned huge numbers of herds, because cows were one of the pillars of prosperity and wealth. It seems that the temples also had significant numbers of flocks, which can be deduced from the annals.
The first traces of artificial irrigation date back to the era of the Middle Kingdom of Egypt (Kerma region) Arkell 1948. In the south of the country, despite the rainfall, without irrigation it would not have been possible to achieve a large agricultural return. To the south of the Sinnar-Jabal Muya line extends a series of excavations, which were mostly built in the era of the prosperity of the Kingdom of Meroe. I do not think that the idea of the hafir was borrowed from India, where artificial irrigation was widespread to a lesser extent than is seen in the Nile Valley. What is most intuitive is that its construction was learned locally.
Currently we do not have information about how the lands were distributed nor about how the agricultural economy was organized. It seems that temple properties were not limited to fields and orchards. Based on the fact that the tribal-rural common was preserved in Sudan until the nineteenth century, and its remains can be traced until recently, it may be assumed that it existed in Kush.
In Kush, almost the same agricultural branches prevailed as in Egypt, but in a different proportion. Pastoralism often dominated agriculture, and horticulture and grape growing produced fewer products. But cotton began to be cultivated early. In most cases, forms of production based on rural communities prevailed. The obtained products, according to available information, were not exported, as they were barely sufficient for the needs of the local population. Rural contributions.
Kush's reputation as one of the richest countries lies in its gold mines and precious stones, as well as iron ore and copper deposits. Iron began to spread into circulation in the fifth and fourth centuries BC. The slag piles found near Meroe confirm the existence of one of the largest iron smelting centers not only in Africa but in the entire ancient world (2). Iron smelting in other places. As a hypothesis, it is permissible, on the basis of analogy, to say that during the extraction of iron ore and gold, the labor of slaves, criminals, and convicts from the free population was used. It is possible that the extraction and use of minerals was monopolized by the king and the temples, as was the case in Ptolemaic Egypt. Such actions would not have been possible for individuals. However, such a hypothesis still needs support.
The history of craftsmanship in Napata and Meroe remains understudied. However, it is not permissible to fail to acknowledge that some crafts, such as jewelry making and pottery, have reached a high level there and the craftsmen have succeeded in these two fields in creating wonderful masterpieces of art based on the experience of centuries. It is only possible to speculate regarding the organization of craft work. It seems that, as in Egypt, palaces and temples had their own craft workshops. Although monetary exchange did not exist in Kush, many manufactures reached the markets. The funerary materials found in the tombs testify to the high level of specialization of the craftsmen who manufactured them, that is, the existence of specialized branches of the craft.
Foreign trade, with some exceptions, was mostly with Egypt, and then through Red Sea ports with other countries, including India. Regarding trade southwards, information is still missing. The Meroes often carried jewelry and iron artifacts to the south. Most likely, expeditions were sent to these regions which were partly commercial, partly for plunder, and in some cases expeditions for the capture of slaves, ivory, skins of rare animals, and so on. From the north, decorative tools arrived to Kush to meet the requirements of the nobility and the palace, which is indicated by the funerary materials in the tombs. Starting in the 2nd century AD, trade declined as a result of the crisis experienced by Rome and Meroe.
Although Kush simultaneously with Egypt entered, albeit independently, into the “Iron Age”, a precedent in this respect for other African countries and peoples, the general level of productive forces and their accompanying relations was low compared to Egypt. There are no data that allow us to confirm the emergence of commodity production in Kush, even in the huge economic branches of the temples. Trade was mainly transit trade, and was often monopolized by the king, and possibly by the temples. Residents were content either with what they produced with their own hands or with what was produced by craftsmen who provided services to a number of villages.
It can be assumed, therefore, that the Napata-Meroe kingdom was in the same stage of economic development as other eastern states were in in the early periods of their existence (eg Egypt). Of course, there are differences, especially the interpretation that Kush developed under Egyptian and then, of course to a lesser extent, Greek and Roman influence. It is necessary to take into account the distinctive local characteristics of Kush: the relatively late and limited development of artificially cultivated Meroe agriculture, the distance from the main centers of the Old World, isolation, proximity to technically undeveloped tribes, and the long-term exploitation to which it was subjected by Egypt. This is what led to the strong persistence of the remnants of tribal communal structures, contrary to Müller’s view, which was later accepted and deepened by Meyer and Keyes, and then by Keinitz Meyer 1928; Kees 1958; Kienitz 1953 who emphasized that the Kingdom of Napata was a continuation of the theocratic state of the priests of Thebes.
By comparing the testimonies of Greek historians and geographers with the annals of the Kushite kings Aspalta and Aman-Neti-Riki, the following conclusions can be reached:
1. The warrior forces, that is, the entire adult male population, elect or confirm, albeit formally, the successor to the deceased king.
2. Revelation, controlled by the priests, has a major role, if not a decisive role, in the election process.
3. The king must necessarily possess specific physical qualities.
4. The king is given divine veneration.
Such procedures were not taken from Egypt, where a central authoritarian authority had emerged since the end of the fourth millennium, but they were procedures that characterized some Near Eastern countries in their early stages of development (Akkad, Israel, the Nabataean Empire, and others), especially the peoples of northeastern Africa. The circle of individuals from whom candidates were nominated, as is the case with many African peoples, was limited to the king’s brothers; Then the crown goes to the eldest brother's son, not the king's son.
There was great influence of the king's mother- Kandake. Her status is very similar to the role of the mother of the king or leader among some African peoples, as as a result of polygamy and frequent childbearing, and also as a result of the absence of an accurate system for inheriting the throne, the mother of the claimant must provide the crown with the legitimacy of his right. In the event that his life is short, the mother becomes the guardian, and thus through her he maintains one of the most important positions in the country’s political life. Of course, the influence of maternal remnants should not be underestimated.
Regarding the specific physical characteristics of the king, they are linked to the religious perceptions and customs of many peoples regarding the king - the bearer of divine goods and the giver of fertility. From here arose the tradition of the ritual assassination of the king by order of the priests, on which their power and wealth mainly depended. It is possible that the Obelisk of Elimination of King Aspalta contains hints indicating a priestly conspiracy against the king. Arkamani's reforms appear to be the result of the contradictions between the royal and priestly authorities, eliminating the remnants of clan communal structures that no longer kept pace with the requirements of the era. These reforms mostly had a political rather than a religious orientation.
On the basis of some value standards, which are attested to in later sources (7th-9th centuries AD), the king was, in any case formally, the sole distributor of the property of his citizens, who were at the same time his property.
From what can be deduced from the testimony of Greek and Roman writers, he was found at Meroe, alongside the king; Leaders and tribal sheikhs. If the king embodied the centralized authoritarian power of the increasingly powerful state, the latter embodied the ancient communal communal relations. In addition to the nobility, there appears to be a group of palace nobility that includes the king’s relatives and those close to him. A specific system of titles and titles was found in Kush during that period, partly derived from Egypt.
However, the Napata-Meroe kingdom was not a fully centralized state, like Egypt. This can be explained by the relatively diverse ethnic composition, the loss of the need to establish a unified artificial irrigation network as is the case in Egypt, and a single water road linking the entire area of the country into a single whole.
The forces were apparently formed according to village or regional-tribal divisions, which can be inferred from the words of Strabo and Herodotus. The spoils accumulated over time from the campaigns enriched the temple treasures, the royal treasury, and the coffers of the nobility.
Based on surviving traditions and by analogy, it can be assumed that taxes were in the form of natural products and that customary law provisions prevailed.
Regarding slavery, this issue remains unresolved until now 1964 Katznelson. In the era of the Napata and Meroe kingdoms, the scope for the use of slave labor appears to have expanded more than in earlier periods. The need arose to build temples, palaces, etc., and it was necessary to cultivate the lands of the king, temples, and leaders, in addition to working in the mines. Slave labor was also used in domestic services. The available data allow us to confirm that slavery in Kush developed slowly compared to some countries of the Ancient East, for example Egypt or Mesopotamia. This may be a reason for its relative backwardness. Slave labor here was of limited use. Analysis of the inscriptions indicates that the use of female slaves, for private services and harems, was more common than the use of slaves.
Kush had relatively little fertile land, so there was no need to create a unified state-level artificial irrigation system, which was usually the basis for centralized, authoritarian eastern regimes. Natural conditions deepened the dispersion: the difficulty of communication across the Nile, the difficulty of using caravan routes, and the location of Kush in the most remote and difficult territory of the Icumna. Therefore, the contribution of Kush to world trade in later times was less. This contributed to preserving the forms of the natural economy and the accompanying organization of the state apparatus, which was characterized by its known fragility.
This is what lies at the basis of the persistence of many remnants of primitive clan structures that have disappeared in Egypt, or if they remain, then in the form of very limited remnants, but characteristic of many other African peoples. To a known extent, these remnants were confined to the despotic power of the king, even though he was considered the supreme owner of his followers and their property.
Hence, it is not permissible to agree with the view that the Napata Meroe kingdom was a theocracy. It is not to be confused with the conditions resulting from the remnants of the primitive clan structure, which gave the priests the power to choose and assassinate the king, and which only determine the external resemblance to theocracy. The deification of the king is usually not observed in a theocratic state, which results from the same name. The theocratic state arises in a developed class society, when all religious and worldly powers are concentrated in the hands of priests. God becomes the supreme source of legislation, not the king, even if the latter is deified and issues legislation in the name of God.
All of this allows the Napata Meroe kingdom to be identified as an early slave state, retaining vestiges of the primitive clan structure. Such a conclusion became possible only as a result of the increasing amount of knowledge that has become available to us about Kush through the efforts of researchers from different countries. But this is just the beginning. Much remains to be accomplished. Therefore, solving the issues and tasks set out below represents a vital necessity in the future study of the history of the Napata Meroe Kingdom.
Outstanding issues and tasks for the future study of the history of the Napata Meroe Kingdom
1. One of the most important tasks facing archaeologists is carrying out systematic excavations at residential sites of cities and villages, primarily the city of Meroe. Information about the lives of urban and rural residents is almost unavailable.
2. It is necessary to expedite the publication of all unpublished excavation reports, primarily the works of F.L. Griffith, Dr. Reisner, and others. It is absolutely necessary to publish the inscriptions found in the royal tombs. Unfortunately, this work has been delayed for many years. In the initial stage, it is necessary to collect the epigraphic artifacts stored in various museums and make them accessible to researchers. Very useful is the list of the collection of inscriptions compiled by Lechlan Wyler, which refers to published texts only. Of course, we are eagerly awaiting the publication of the first Meroe papyri found in Qasr Ibrim (3).
3. Important and very useful results can be expected from combined archaeological-ethnographic-linguistic missions in Darfur and Kordofan, an area unexplored in this field. If Arkell's hypothesis about the movement of the last representatives of the Meroe dynasty there (Arkell 1961) is correct, which he supports with quite convincing data, then the results of the research can be very successful, as indicated by the account of the end of Kush recorded by Forbinius Katznelson 1968.
4. Similar research must be carried out in a number of tropical African countries to determine the links that arose in ancient times between them and Kush. Through Napata and Meroe in Africa, ancient Egyptian perceptions, ideas and models spread. Many traditions and customs, and some achievements in the field of material production, especially iron-making, probably find their roots in Meroe. Without identifying these connections, we will not succeed in having an adequate conception of Africa's history and cultural history.
5. In connection with this, the task of studying the internal history of the country arises - the structure of the state (4), socio-economic relations, ethnic composition, land exploitation, etc. It is noted that many of these issues have not been addressed. The primary interest was directed to the history of foreign political relations, mainly the connections with and conflict with Egypt.
6. It also remains completely outside the scope of researchers’ interest to study the culture and art of the Napata Meroe Kingdom. With the exception of publishing sporadic excavation reports (5) and very few, no specialized studies have been published. However, no attempt was made in this direction to generalize. Here a series of issues arise, which we will refer to later.
7. The same can be said about the study of religion in Napata and Meroe. With the exception of Goethe's essay, there has until recently been no work devoted to this broad and important question. It is necessary to determine what influence the Egyptian religion had on Kush, what local forms it took there, what were the local religious perceptions, how it interacted with the Egyptian religion and many other issues (6).
8. The relations of the Napata Meroe Kingdom with neighboring countries are still unclear: Egypt, the Greco-Roman world, India, Central Africa and Northeast Africa. These relationships include a series of problems about which something was said above. Researchers are faced with determining not only the routes of import and export trade, but the ideas, models, and forms entering Kush from abroad, and determining the extent of influence that Kush exercised on its part on other countries and peoples.
In addition to these general problems, there are partial problems. Their number is undoubtedly large and therefore impossible to enumerate. We will try to mention two examples: Is it possible to find agreement between what the classical sources mentioned about the issue of the ritual assassination of the king and the material written and archaeological sources available to us? This issue has not yet been definitively supported. What is the role of the Kushites in the liberation struggle of the Egyptians against the Greeks and Romans?
In such a short summary, it is impossible to cover all the questions that need to be answered in studying the history of the Napata Meroe Kingdom, whose influence on the life of the ancient world has become more evident. Necessarily there must be additions and corrections. Much has been implemented in recent years, but more is expected to be implemented. Only as a result of a joint and systematic effort of scholars from different countries can success be achieved in explaining the historical fate of a great African city - the Kush culture.
At the time, circumstances did not allow me to participate in the discussion of this paper. Since the discussion was published briefly within the proceedings of the conference, I will now attempt to answer some of the objections and doubts raised by my paper, in accordance with the order in which those objections and doubts were mentioned in the aforementioned proceedings of the conference.
The name proposed by both sides, “Meroe Studies” and defining its content as a complex branch of knowledge concerned with the study of ancient Sudan from the earliest periods until the Axumite occupation of the country, faced a degree of skepticism. Hintza, Sheni, and other scholars assume that the Ezana campaign may not have been given so much attention, and it may not have marked the end of the Meroe dynasty, nor did it mark the end of the Meroe kingdom. However, the Izana campaign, regardless of its consequences, represents the conclusion of the ancient history of Sudan, just as the occupation of Egypt by Alexander the Great represented the end of Pharaonic Egypt and marked the beginning of a new, different historical phase for Egypt. We currently have no knowledge of what happened at Meroe in the first centuries following the Axumite occupation, but one thing is clear: there are fairly fundamental shifts in observable culture and, potentially, in demographics. All this has not yet been made clear, but the fact that we can no longer talk about the Kingdom of Meroe in the sense in which we previously implied it is beyond dispute. Of course, the transitional phase occupied a specific time period, but, in any case, that transitional phase was completed in the fourth century AD.
The name “Kushite studies” could have been given to the content of the science of ancient Sudan, but, in addition to some phonetic incompatibility of this term, as we have indicated, it could lead to a kind of misunderstanding. Currently, the term Kushites is used to refer not only to the inhabitants of the ancient country of Kush, within the framework of those borders, with which they themselves and the ancient Egyptians knew it. It is also like the history of pre-dynastic Egypt, at a time when Egypt as it is now was not yet formed, including the “History of Egypt”, which represents the field of interest of the science of ancient Egyptian studies, hence the legitimacy of the entire era, preceding the emergence of the Napata Meroe Kingdom and calling for its establishment, and including it in its history and considering it the subject of its study “Meroe Studies”.
It is certainly not permissible to imagine the proposed name “Nubian Studies,” which is what we indicated in our paper. As is known, the Nuba or Nuba tribes are attested in sources at a much later period, and until now their genetic connection to the inhabitants of the Napata Meroe Kingdom is not clear, and they cannot in any way be viewed as constituting a previous stage in their history and culture, which is supported primarily by the fact of the absence of a direct succession in language, let alone the non-conformity of geographical borders. Therefore, the term Meroe studies finds preference until something more appropriate is proposed. It remains to add that the objection presented by Hintza to the term “Meroe studies” applies more generally to the term “Nubian studies.”
Regarding the doubts raised by Sheeni regarding the validity of the proposed identification of the characteristics of the Napata Meroe kingdom, Hintza, Briza and especially Treasure rejected it on solid factual grounds. It remains to add that Trigger's opinion that the Kingdom of Napata Meroe can be counted among the countries in which the so-called "Asian mode of production" prevails, about which we have had long discussions, and which is nothing more than a form of enslaved social formation, I will not argue about it, as long as the discussion here revolves around terms, which are not carefully chosen. As is known, there is no “Asian pattern of production.” About this wrote a lot Korostowtzev 1966; Nikifrova 1975. (For a theoretical discussion of this problem, click here).
Contrary to Bryza's words, I have never put forward the view that revelation in the process of electing the king plays an "uberragend" role. The oracle was, of course, merely a tool in the hands of the priests, and had a significant role only as a means of ideological influence that bolstered the legitimacy of the country's once-elected ruler.
It must be admitted that the question of the ritual assassination of the king remains unclear, and this fact has been pointed out in the paper. However, parallel data presented by Osama Al-Nur, derived from concepts related to homeopathic magic, which until recently became widespread among many African peoples, including the Nile Shilluk in South Sudan, do not make the possibility of the existence of such a ritual in Meroe unlikely. My voice must be added to the assertion of both Gerzog and Trigger that the negative view of the information provided by Strabo is unjustified and therefore a more in-depth study of this problem becomes necessary.
The transfer of the capital from Napata to Meroe. I devoted several pages to it in my book, “Napata and Meroe: Kingdoms of Ancient Sudan.” The reason for moving the kingdom's capital to the south must be sought in the overall economic and political elements. What is distinctive is that the royal cemetery remained in Gebel Barkal for a long period, because religious perceptions, as more conservative, lagged behind the living reality and, as usual, adapted to its requirements and were subject to current changes.
The phased division proposed in the paper, in turn, was subject to a combination of economic and political elements. The emergence of new forms of pottery artifacts, although this may be an indication of shifts in the ethnic composition of the population to a greater or lesser extent, still requires support through new facts and documents, in this particular case, as Sheeny points out: In the appearance of black “African” artifacts around the year 300 BC, such evidence is missing. Could it not be a product of the revival of local, “African” forms of culture, which is reflected at least in the return to ancient burial rites? The proposed phased division does not exclude sub-phases within it.
On the issue of trade routes, which Hintza raised, the talk seems to be about different things. The discussion in the paper revolves around the trend associated with commercial exchange in the Hellenistic era, when the search for unusual goods began, in connection with the general rise in the level of productive forces, to expand the horizons of economic ties to the Mediterranean world and indirect links arose with India, and later with countries located further to the east. Sea routes, and thus the associated land caravan routes, began to move gradually, but not completely, from the Nile to the Red Sea. Evidence of this process was provided by Khvostov in his book mentioned above. It certainly couldn't have affected Meroe.
It is worth agreeing entirely with Hintza's assertion regarding the suspicion of direct or indirect Indian influence on Kush. Depictions of multi-headed and multi-handed gods are found in Egypt, which is clearly confirmed by Osama al-Nur’s study dedicated to the worship of the lion god Abadmak. Regarding the influences of culture and art of Central Asia and Iran, which Hintza refers to, since the results of these excavations have not yet been fully published, I cannot say anything. However, I can only express my hope that a comparative study will be done of the Meroe Kings texts written in the Egyptian language with the late Egyptian texts.
(1) Wenig 1967, who presented convincing proofs in his works, agrees with our opinion. 1967 Little,
(2) Amborn’s 1970 attempt to prove the invalidity of the statement about the importance of Meroe in Africa as one of the most important iron centers. Amborn’s point of view falls outside the scope of this brief study. 1970 Amborn
(3) It is noteworthy that Katznelson wrote this in 1981. Since then much of what indicates the need for publication has already been published as shown in the bibliography appended to Arkamani.
(4) Only recently was László Turok’s exciting monograph published:
Economic Offices and Officials in Meroitic Nubia (A Study in Territorial Administration in Late meeeeroitic Kingdom), Budapest, 1979
(5) Recently also brief writings have appeared on the art of Napata and Meroe
St.Wenig, Propylaen Kunstgeschichte. Bd. 18.B, [S.a], pp.400-427; J.Leclant, the Egyptians. T.III. The Egyptian crepuscules. Paris 1980 pp.227-265; See alsoMeroitica 5.B, 1979. Africa in Antiquity. The Arts of Ancient Nubia and the Sudan.
Also Adams and Grzemski's reports on the architecture of Kush, as part of the proceedings of the conference held in Berlin in November 1980 of the International Association for Meroe Studies.
(6) See
Minkowskaia 1974 ; Korostowtzev 1976; Pavlova 1977; Zabkar 1975; Elnur Osama 1974
D.Dunham, The West and South Cemeteries at Meroë. Boston.
F.Ll.Griffith, An Omphalos from Napata,- Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 3.
St.Wenig, Bemerkungen zur Chronologie des Reiches von Meroe.- Metteilungen für Orientforschung 13.
A.J.Arkell, The Historical Background of Sudan Agriculture,- “Agriculture in the Sudan” (ed.), J.D.Tothil, Oxford
F.K.Keinitz, Die politische Geschichte Ägyptens von 7, bis zum 4, Jahrhundert von der Zeitwende, B.
H.Kees, Das alte Ägypten. Eine kleine Landeskunde, 2Aufl., B.
Ed.Mayer, Gottesstaat, Militärherrschaft und Ständewesen in Ägypten,- Preussische Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philos. Klasse, Sitzungaberichte, B. Bd 57.
И.С.Кацнельсон, Рабовладение в Куше.- Вестник Древней Истории no. 2.
H.Amborn, Problematik der Eisenverhüttung im Reich Meroe,- Paideuma 16
A.J.Arkell: A History of the Sudan from the Earliest Times to 1821, 2nd Ed., London
И.С.Кацнельсон, Аркамон и ритуальное убийство царя в Куше, Klio Bd.50.
Э.Е.Миньковская, Религиозные культы древнего Судана, Москва (автореф.дис.канд.истор.наук).
M.A.Korstovtzev, Релгия Древнего Египта, Москва.
О.И.Павловa, Античные авторы о культе Амона в Куше, Мерое
L.U.Zabkar, Apedemak= lion god of Meroe> A Study in Egyptian-Meroitic Syncretism, Warminister.
Osama Abdel-Rahman Elnur 1974(a) “The Cult of the Lion God Abadmak in Ancient Sudan”, Khartoum, Issue Five.
M.A.Korstovtzev, О хрaктере древневосточнего общества ,-Народы Азии и Африки, N0.3
В.Н.Никифорова, Восток и всемирная история, Москва.
The concept of the Asian production pattern and the problems of studying the history of Kush
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