Sudanese Heritage, Defiance of National Unity
Yousif E. Mukhtar
Sudanese cultural heritage
Challenges of national unity and regional affiliation
D. Youssef Mukhtar Al-Amin
College of Arts - King Saud University - Riyadh
Research presented at the symposium “The Arab World and Africa: Challenges of the Present and Future,” Rabat, October 15-17, 2003.
Sudan has been passing since the declaration of the modern national state in 1956 AD. Political and social unrest and crises are escalating with the complexities of the internal situation and its regional and global connections. Observers and researchers of the situation in Sudan attribute this to several reasons, most of which converge in the ethnic and cultural nature of Sudanese society and its economic capabilities. Perhaps the most prominent of these reasons is what can be described as the historical cultural impasse and the objective circumstance in which the state was formed. This is a situation that the elites who succeeded in running the country were unable to consider and then confront effectively. The matter was further complicated by the failure of these elites to achieve the required amount of comprehensive development and establish an agreed-upon system of governance that meets the aspirations of the majority of the country’s people. In light of the conditions of backwardness, the deterioration of the foundations of the natural livelihood economy, and the high rates of population growth, the hotbeds of ethnic, regional and cultural conflict expand automatically. This conflict is manifested in adopting political and cultural positions that differ from the prevailing ones, and in confronting the central authority by carrying weapons and stoking civil war and tribal conflicts, the dimensions and effects of which are worsening day after day. The civil war in the south has been raging since independence until now, except for a ten-year hiatus. The country has recently witnessed conflicts and wars in other Sudanese regions in the east and west, between tribes and between each other and the central government. The continuation of these confrontations has wasted the country's resources and hindered development, leading to the disintegration of local communities and the displacement of thousands of residents to places other than their natural presence. Those following the course of events agree that the continuation of these conditions threatens national unity unless the situation is remedied. It is not surprising that today we find modern political and social science literature describing Sudan as a troubled country whose leaders and intellectuals have repeatedly failed to confront the complex issues that have hindered its development Woodward, 1989; Mansour Khaled: 1993. Woodward,1989
This paper hopes to approach the issues of national unity and its obstacles represented by ethnic and cultural conflicts from the perspective of cultural heritage. By cultural heritage, I mean all the tangible and intangible cultural products from the earliest times until the present time, considering that it is the environment in which the Sudanese identity was formed and in which its dynamic transformations interact. Addressing the issue of national unity and regional affiliation relations can be approached from different perspectives with various theoretical approaches and frameworks. What concerns me here is to consider the possibility of analyzing the current situation based on the material heritage, which includes all the archaeological remains left to us by ancient societies, including tools, buildings, arts, and everything related to human action throughout the ages. It also includes all folklore, including local crafts and products. The study of material culture, in its historical and heritage dimensions, is one of the primary tasks of archeology, as will be mentioned, as it constitutes a basic, if not the only, source for knowledge of the cultural history of nations. The research also stems from the idea of the importance of reviewing Sudanese cultural history since its earliest times and calling for it in order to formulate new concepts that constitute an objective framework to comprehend the complexities of the pressing issues now in Sudan and propose appropriate solutions to them. The material cultural heritage can be benefited from positively, as happened in the experiences of other peoples and countries in strengthening the foundations of national unity. This is done by searching for what is common among the segments of society and highlighting what supports the principles of tolerance and social peace, especially in cases of ethnic and cultural diversity in one country. Reading the cultural history of a country like Sudan, in a balanced manner, qualifies it to create good climates for establishing more positive and beneficial regional relations for all parties. The importance of material heritage, as stated in this context, does not stop at its reference and historical importance, but rather extends to revealing features of continuity and change in cultural systems. The well-known cultural history in the north and center of the country follows continuous episodes from the Stone Ages until the Islamic era, with periods in which profound civilizational transformations occur that include most aspects of intellectual and material life, but to varying degrees. For example, when the Christian kingdoms were established in the late sixth century AD, the new religion and its thought replaced the old state ideology based on the tribal system of government and primitive belief. The change was mainly reflected in thought and the system of government, and the same level was not evident in the material aspect of people’s lives (for more on the transformations that affected Sudanese culture with the arrival of Christianity, see “Arkamani”). With the spread of Islam and the Arabic language later, the elements of material culture did not disappear at first glance, but rather retained some of its ancient elements Adams, 1977: 665-680. Many people who are not specialists in the field of civilizational studies pay attention to this point. Halim Al-Yaziji, when studying the literary movement in Sudan over a period of more than three hundred years, says: “... It became clear to us the extent of the interconnection that exists between this literature, its environmental reality, and the events of its history, and it was often a direct reflection of this history and those environments... The Sudanese past, with all the experience it has absorbed, breaks into the doors of the present in a spontaneous or intentional overlap.” 11-14). For more about the transformations that affected Sudanese culture with the arrival of Christianity, seeAdams,1977: 665-6801985: 11-14
I conclude by saying that the ancient material and heritage heritage is the most susceptible, among other fields, to searching for what is common between the groups of society in the past and the present and then interpreting it to serve issues of identity and national unity.
Many wonder why we return to distant cultural history when raising pressing issues and crises that concern contemporary societies? Isn't this a retreat and absorption in matters that are not useful for addressing the problems of the present, such as national unity and belonging, the solution of which seems to lie in the field of politics? I alluded above to the role of cultural heritage in knowing the formation and rooting of nations and the foundations that govern many of the relationships of the social and intellectual systems within them. The literature of archeology and history is full of practical evidence of the exploitation of historical knowledge, positively or negatively, in establishing and advancing national entities or in wasting the historical rights of population groups or an entire people. Everyone agrees that the present of nations is based on their past, despite the difficulty of defining the features of that distant past at times and its legitimacy in shaping the present and building its internal and external relations. It is not possible in this space to review the theoretical and applied foundations required in that context and their development in archaeology or anthropological studies. Archeology has recently witnessed important transformations in its theoretical orientations used in interpreting ancient material heritage. Although the goals change from time to time, knowing or discovering ancient cultural systems and their development over time remains one of the main goals of that scientific activity. In their academic work, archaeologists are interested in ancient cultural identities and defining their features, just as their study finds popularity in sciences other than archaeology, as an expression of a growing trend in the human sciences directed towards the rights of minorities and affirming the principles of ethnic and cultural differentiation and diversity in one society. Today, we find that the field of archaeological research has expanded from ancient societies to contemporary traditional and primitive societies (1), which exist in more than one country, including Sudan. Such societies, to the extent they have been exposed to modern civilizational influences, still maintain their heritage and economic patterns of living represented by pastoralism, hunting, and traditional agriculture. Tangible heritage includes carpentry, blacksmithing, pottery, household utensils, decorative items, clothing, folk music instruments, etc. Such traditional crafts have a long history and fill a space in the cultural component of current societies. If we assume, for example, that the entry of the Arabs and the spread of Islam in Sudan represents an almost cultural rupture in the areas of language, religion, and thought, then this does not include, as we have indicated, the entire traditional material heritage, which has retained many of its ancient characteristics that have continued until today. Elamin1999: 1-3.
Traces of the distant past and traditional material heritage are available to people in the form of buildings, arts, and artifacts that are displayed by various museums in a way that reflects the goals of the entities that prepared those museums. Cultural heritage is presented to people as their cultural heritage on which their present and future are based. Accordingly, much of the work carried out by archaeologists stems from intellectual or national trends supported by the state to spread concepts and ideas that are used to consolidate the current situation. It is not far-fetched to benefit from the study of cultural heritage for the sake of a political agenda aimed at shaping the present and formulating it for the benefit of a specific group or groups in society. In fact, many countries relied, in their establishment, on exploiting cultural heritage. In the case of Israel, for example, archaeologists have worked to produce knowledge that they believe confirms the right of Jewish settlers to the Promised Land, revives Jewish fanaticism, and then proves the characteristics of cultural identity as mentioned in the biblical stories. In the Hebrew state, we find that large archaeological sites represent a symbolic force for the settlers, which helped unite them during the founding period. These archaeological sites and the heritage they mean have become an important part of the Israeli social, political and intellectual space. In Africa, the story of the magnificent archaeological buildings of the ancient capital of Zimbabwe remains the best example of the claims of European settlers in their refusal to attribute this ancient civilization to the local population, based on the interpretation of the archaeologists who were attracted by the European occupation authorities. They promoted at the time that it represented an architectural achievement by groups that came from abroad, until fair archaeologists succeeded, after some time, in proving the right of the African Bantu tribes to establish the historical kingdom (for more information, see the book African Archeology by Phillipson, “Arkamani”). This was one of the reasons that led to the defeat of the settler ideology on which the colonial white state was founded. It is known that when independence was achieved in that country, it was decided to change its name from Northern Rhodesia to Zimbabwe as a symbol of an ancient African history that its owners would restore once again in support of the new political identity. Trigger, 1975: 355-370. Today, we do not find a country in which the cultural heritage has not been exploited to inspire the future and stimulate the aspirations of citizens. Antiquities museums of all types in all countries of the world display antiquities and heritage materials to the visitor in a way that reflects the official picture of the nation’s history. It is not surprising that one sometimes notices the non-representation of the heritage of some minorities or even a part of general history that is thought to be disruptive to prevailing conditions. The past or history, no matter how distant, remains in the collective memory, fading at times and at other times rekindling in moments of recall. For more information, see Phillipson's book African ArcheologyTrigger,1975:355-370
When discussing the Egyptian national identity, Fikri Hassan pointed to the solidity of the Arab-Islamic heritage and the influences that came from Europe in the modern era in people’s minds, which constitutes a clear departure from the ancient past, but the latter remains an important political card. Pharaonic history was a source of strength and pride for Egyptians during their resistance to foreign occupation, and this is evident in the speeches of politicians and what middle-class intellectuals wrote about Egyptian identity. He summoned the leaders of the 1919 revolution. This history and they glorified the nation’s past, and a number of famous writers wrote important works of fiction that derive their symbols from that ancient history. This interest did not decline until after the growth of the modern nationalist movement in the 1950s. Hassan, 1998: 207. Hassan,1998: 207
I conclude my remarks on the importance of interpreting cultural heritage theoretically and exploiting it to define cultural identities that express the starting point in forming the legitimacy on which the nation is based and the authority that manages its affairs. Using cultural heritage in shaping the present depends primarily on the prevailing ideology and the ability of the social forces that adopt it. From this introduction, I would like to refer, briefly, to the history of Sudanese cultural history and its sources, to see the extent of its repercussions on contemporary Sudanese reality.
We derive our information about the periods of the Stone Ages and ancient history from the archaeological work that began at the beginning of the twentieth century in northern Sudan at a slow pace and escalated dramatically when it was decided to build the High Dam and what was known as the campaign to save the antiquities of Nubia (1959-1965 AD) was conducted. More than forty foreign scientific missions came to the region at that time, conducting surveys and excavating archaeological sites in both northern Sudan and southern Egypt. The results of her work were most, if not almost all, of what we know about the history of ancient and medieval Sudan (for more information on the subject see Arkamani: Katsenlon; Adams, Osama).
Archaeological activity expanded after that in the Khartoum region, but it did not include other vast regions of Sudan except in a few cases, which caused a clear lack of information required to formulate the cultural history of Sudan within its current borders. It is worth noting that the focus on northern Sudan created a “northern centralism” that influenced the direction of the course of scientific research in this field, and its review only began recently and in a partial way (Al-Abbas Muhammad Ali and Yusuf Al-Amin 1992: 65-67). There are still large areas in the West and East whose ancient and intermediate history in the process of Sudanese history has not been understood in a convincing way. In fact, South Sudan only had one archaeological campaign for a limited period (John Mack and Robertshaw, 1982). John Mack and Robertshaw,1982
Archaeological research has shown the existence of sites dating back to the Paleolithic period, during which population groups lived along the Nile Valley in Sudan and in other regions away from the Nile River (for more, see Arkamani: The relationship between the desert, the Sudanese Nile Valley, and East Africa in the Holocene). The discovered stone tools generally express the existence of cultural traditions in the manufacture of stone tools and patterns of primitive living economy. They are characterized by local characteristics and reflect cultural links with neighboring regions at the same time. It seems difficult to say that all the lands of present-day Sudan represented at that time a civilizational unit linking its regions. Perhaps we find the first indication of this matter in the second phase of the Stone Ages, represented by the Neolithic societies, when people learned about pottery work, animal domestication, and agriculture, among other innovations in the field of manufacturing bone tools and models of other arts, and hunter-gatherer societies moved toward stability in general. In this context, he mentions what is known as the “ancient Khartoum civilization,” which was first known at the early Khartoum site, which Arkle excavated in the 1940s. The site was described as a semi-permanent settlement established on the banks of the ancient river, whose residents relied on catching fish, wild animals, and crushing wild grains, as they did not yet know agriculture. They formed their distinctive tools from stones and bone, and they also made the famous Khartoum pottery, which is of the solid, unpolished type, decorated with continuous wavy lines and intermittent wavy or zigzag lines. It has become possible to date this civilization later than the eighth millennium BC, and thus Khartoum pottery is the oldest in the Nile Valley and perhaps all of Africa. This pottery, with its well-known decorations, was discovered in central Sudan and north to Wadi Halfa, as well as in distant places from the Western Sahara to Niger. The relationship between the Sahara, the Sudanese Nile Valley, and East Africa in the Holocene
In Sudan itself, the distribution of the settlements of this stage indicates a cultural similarity extending from northern Sudan to its center. The settlements that followed the Khartoum culture stage were relatively large population centers whose owners relied in their lives on the cultivation of grains and the raising of animals such as sheep, goats and cows, in addition to the usual natural resources Arkell 1975;Haaland 1992: 43-64.
With the spread of these large, semi-sedentary settlements near the banks of the Nile River in the period 5000 - 3000 BC. M. Population groups were prepared to bring about a new civilizational shift represented by the emergence of larger centers and gatherings organized in what is known as the urban state. It was first in Kerma in the Upper Nubia region of northern Sudan when local chiefs and princes were able to establish rule independent of the Egyptian state. They represented a continuing resistance to the Egyptian occupation of northern Sudan. Archaeological discoveries indicate that Kerma was a city with an area of about twenty-five hectares and was walled with a wall thirty feet high. In the center of the city there is a temple, a palace, a large reception hall, and the homes of the upper class of society. This was the capital of the first Sudanese state (Kush), which flourished around 2200 BC. M. It is therefore the oldest city known to us in Africa outside of Egypt. Kerma society glorified war and militarism so much that its influence extended to control Lower Nubia in the north for some time. The rulers of Kerma sought help from Egyptians residing in castles and fortresses to help them manage the region. Kerma left behind a rich cultural heritage in the fields of arts, crafts and architecture, which stands as a testament to cultural excellence and local authenticity (Charles Bonnet, 1997). (For more on Kerma see)
The Egyptians returned and subjugated all of Nubia around 1460 BC. M. The region flourished with the construction of settlements and temples and with economic and cultural growth. The princes of the region rose again after Egypt went through a period of weakness, and they founded the state of Napata around 9000 BC. M. The rich history of Kush begins its second phase, in which Egyptian influences dominate, such as language, architecture, arts, and religion, despite the mystery surrounding the way in which this country was founded. The Kushites restored Egyptian civilization to its ancient glory when they ruled Egypt for seventy years full of achievements, the first of which was achieving the first political unity in the Nile Valley. In addition to their expansion in building temples and cities and reviving the Egyptian language after the deterioration it had suffered during the period of decline at the end of the second millennium BC. M. Kush continued as an independent state in its third phase when the capital moved south to the ancient city of Meroe near the city of Shendi (300 km north of Khartoum). At the time when Meroe flourished and expanded in the Sudanese regions, Egypt had been subjected to the rule of the Persians, then the Ptolemies, and then the Romans. The mystery surrounding the way this state was foundedIts third stage
The Meroe civilization flourished (300 BC to 350 AD) and was known for its original characteristics mixed with cultural currents coming from the north. The first thing its rulers achieved was to preserve their state and resist the Ptolemies and Romans after them militarily and diplomatically when they failed to repel them by force. It is difficult for us to enumerate the characteristics of that civilization, and it is sufficient to point to its most important innovations, such as the Meroitic writing, which was described as quasi-alphabetic and has two scripts, one hieroglyphic and the other abstract, both of which are of Egyptian origins. It is the oldest explicit written African language, non-Semitic, as one of its prominent scholars believes (Abdullah, Abdel Qader Mahmoud 1986). Similar to the local development that occurred in Meroitic writing, we find another innovation in the manufacture of fine pottery that the region had not witnessed before. The industries also include various types of gold and ivory ornamental pieces and other precious stones and materials that came through trade that flourished during this era. The Meroites expanded the construction of temples, pyramids, palaces, castles, fortresses, and residential homes in large cities spread throughout the northern and central regions and eastern parts of the country. There is no doubt that in the rest of the irrigated regions inside Sudan and away from the Nile Valley, settlements were established that may have been built with non-stone materials appropriate to the local environment and the practice of grazing and seasonal agriculture. The Meroites were also able to manufacture iron in the sixth century BC, before the city became the capital of the state, and thus they were the first to achieve this technical breakthrough in sub-Saharan Africa. It is likely that it came to them from Egypt, which in turn received the technology from West Asia. As for the field of thought and religions, the Meroites continued to follow the well-known Egyptian religions and added local deities to them, the most important of which was Abadamak (the lion god), to whom temples were built in more than one place and who was to them the god of creation and war (2). By the end of the fourth century AD, the Meroe state had disappeared from the scene of events in the region, leaving behind a cultural heritage that attested to the splendor of its achievements in integrating local creativity with what came from the north of the valley. The details of the extension of the Meroe state in eastern and western Sudan are not known now and await field research in the future, as traces of Meroe were found in the island in central Sudan and on the White Nile up to the city of Kosti (400 km south of Khartoum). Thus, the Meroe state centrally ruled a large territory the size of present-day Sudan, and its material heritage was as diverse as its environmental territories. Adams, 1977: 323-325. Adams,1977: 323-325
There is no trace of a central state after the disintegration of Meroe, except for Nobatia in northern Nubia. Its center was in Ballana and Qastal in the far north, and it remained confined there, preserving the legacies of the Kushite civilization until its rulers changed to embrace Christianity under the influence of Byzantine Egypt in 580 AD. This marked the beginning of the second golden era in the civilization of ancient Sudan. Available archaeological evidence indicates that the acceptance and spread of Christianity caused a profound and influential cultural transformation, giving the impression that waves of people had entered the country, but this did not happen. It was a rapid cultural shift brought about by contacts between missionaries and the elite rulers of the two countries. Sudan as a whole was not unified during its medieval history. In the beginning, three states were established: Noubatia and Al-Maqra in the north, and Alwa with its capital, Soba, in the south of Khartoum. Later, Noubatia and Al-Maqria were unified into one state with its capital in Dongola. The country enjoyed political stability for about six hundred years, during which the fusion of local cultures with the new, incoming religion resulted in a distinctive cultural asset, the outcome of which was prominent in the decorative arts and the wonderful colorful paintings that adorn churches and in the Bible written in the ancient Nubian language. We also find it in the various crafts and artifacts that touch people’s daily lives. Adams, 1977: 246-381. O'connor,1993: 4-15. Noubatia and Makuria were unitedAdams,1977: 246-381
The next stage represents the major turning point in the history of modern Sudan when the Christian state in northern Sudan fell in 1323 AD. Then came the second state (Alwa) at the end of the fifteenth century, and this was the result of successive Arab migrations to Sudan from Egypt. The population of northern and central Sudan gradually embraced the Islamic religion, and over time they adopted Arabic as a language that brought together the different groups of society, and intermarriage processes began to cast their shadows in the ethnic composition of the Sudanese. Historical sources indicate that Arabs entered Sudan in small numbers since the time of Himyar, perhaps via the Red Sea or via Sinai south to eastern Sudan, but large numbers of them leaked from Egypt after the Islamic conquest. Then other regiments came from North Africa. The Muslim Arabs initially faced fierce resistance from the Christian state in Dongola, which waged a war against them, sometimes defensive and offensive at other times. The Muslims concluded a peace agreement with it in 651 AD. The rights of both parties to move, pay tribute, and stop mutual aggression are preserved. Thus, under this agreement, the country of Nubia (Baqt) became outside the world of war and Islam at the same time. The matter was not resolved in favor of the Muslims until after the Christian state weakened for many reasons, including the Arab influence that resulted from the incursion of large numbers of immigrants in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, when the state collapsed and its last ruler converted to Islam in the year 1323 AD. The door was opened wide for Arabs and Arabs to establish Islamic kingdoms and sultanates Hassan, 1967. Agreement (Al-Baqt)Hassan,1967
Before talking about the development of these political events and their profound impact on Sudanese society, we must point out the sources of information about this critical period in Sudan’s history because of its importance in shaping the intellectual climate in which the prevailing cultural vision of Sudan today emerged.
The Islamic period in Sudan did not receive archaeological work like other periods of Sudanese history. In the northern region, which was most fortunate in these studies, foreign scientific missions were only concerned with a very limited number of Islamic settlements, as they were not among the interests of foreign scholars. These antiquities have been neglected on the grounds that they are recent and do not help them in knowing the reality they see before them. As for the rest of the regions of Sudan, archaeological work in the field of Islamic antiquities remains unknown, except for what has been collected of inscriptions and tombstones, in addition to the general description of the domes of the tombs of jurists or sheikhs of Sufi orders. With the exception of interest in describing Ottoman architecture and antiquities in Suakin in eastern Sudan, the antiquities of the Islamic sultanates in Kordofan and Darfur in western Sudan remained far from the interest of researchers El-Zein, 2000: 35-36. El-Zein,2000: 35-36
Limited research in northern Sudan indicates the continuation of settlement in Christian sites, but the buildings deteriorated after that and were not restored or similar to them built, and the production of arts, represented by painting, ceramics and metal industries, stopped. Travelers who visited the region in the early nineteenth century described mud houses similar to what we find in contemporary rural villages. Useful information is also available in what was written by those European travelers who visited Sudan and described its people, customs, and lineages as they heard them from them. As for the Arab migrations, their sources are what was written by Arab historians such as Al-Maqrizi and Ibn Khaldun. The Sudanese themselves wrote very little, and one of the most important local works known is Ibn Dhaif Allah’s manuscript known as Tabqa, which he compiled in a local Arabic language at the beginning of the nineteenth century. The manuscript contains detailed information about the biographies of famous jurists and clerics. It is also considered a primary source about the religious, social and political life of the period of the Islamic Funj Kingdom, which established in central Sudan at the beginning of the sixteenth century. In this context, he mentions the land ownership documents of the Funj and the genealogy trees that chronicle Sudanese families and identify their Arab origins, which always mean Arab purity by extending them to the Prophet (peace be upon him), his uncle, or one of the companions. It is believed that many of these lineage clusters are questionable and date back to the nineteenth century, and a few of them date back to the era of the Funj state. One of the important manuscripts written in the nineteenth century is the Katib al-Shunah manuscript, in which he describes the kings and conditions of the Funj state (Youssef Fadl 1975: 109-144). On the other hand, we find that the history of the Islamic kingdoms and sheikhdoms that arose in other Sudanese regions, such as Al-Abdlab, north of Khartoum, Taqli, and Al-Sabaa’a in the Kordofan region, and the Fur kingdom in the west, is derived from the same aforementioned sources, all of which were written by their owners in climates that called for the rooting of the Arab (Qurayshi) lineage and neglected the local element in it. Despite the frequent talk about intermarriage between Arabs and local residents, tribal history insists on mentioning the first Arab father or grandfather. Thus, these sources do not give us clear information that would help us know the processes of racial mixing or Arabization of the local population, and this remains to be judged based on the results only. One of the most famous sources of Sudanese popular history is the study conducted by McMichael, one of the men of the British administration in Sudan, in the first decade of the last century. He collected hundreds of popular documents, such as land ownership contracts and the names of families and individuals, in addition to lineage trees widespread among tribal leaders and clergy, which are the type of documents mentioned above. Among these documents, he laid the foundation for the history of the Arabs in Sudan, mentioning at least a hundred tribes, some of which branched off into smaller ones, all of whose lineage goes back to pure Arab origin. MacMichael's study divided the population of Sudan into two types, Arabs and non-Arabs, and thus formed a framework for all subsequent historical studies, and its harm is about to exceed its benefit, MacMichael 1922.
With regard to the unity of Sudan’s regions, none of the aforementioned Islamic kingdoms was able to extend its influence over all or most of Sudan’s regions. In the far northern region we find the sheikhdom of Al-Kunuz, then the kingdom of Al-Abdlab, with their capital in villages north of Khartoum. This was a loose federation that included dozens of sheikhdoms ruled by tribal leaders. In the Kingdom of Sennar and the kingdoms of the West, political authority remains limited to recognized territories, but this did not prevent peaceful interference or annexation that resulted from war conflicts. Although the system of government was Islamic in appearance, many ancient local customs and rituals still find their expression in the lives of the princes, their assistants, or the common people. The information we have received about the material elements of the cultures of these kingdoms also reflects a heritage dating back to civilizational periods that preceded the spread of Islam. On the other hand, the spread of Islam and the increasing influence of Sufi clerics was an effective factor, along with the spread of the Arabic language, in linking the central and northern regions of Sudan into a social, if not entirely political, unit. The emergence of the aforementioned kingdoms was not, in fact, entirely the work of the arriving Arabs, but rather in cooperation with Arabized peoples or local residents. After the Kingdom of Alwa fell into the hands of the Arabs, led by Al-Abdlab (Al-Qawasima), they were attacked by the Black Funj tribes, who eliminated the influence of the Arabs and later cooperated with them in managing the northern region after they made Sennar their capital in 1504 AD. Whatever the case, the Funj state lasted for about three hundred years, during which the circle of spread of Islam and other Arab influences expanded, and some regions of present-day Sudan with their population remained far from these trends O'Fahey and Spaulding 1974: 26-116.
The Funj state and the era of Islamic kingdoms in Sudan fell in 1821 AD. When the armies of Muhammad Ali Pasha completed the invasion of the country and established what is known as Egyptian-Turkish rule. One of the results of this rule, which lasted for sixty years, was the unification of all current Sudanese regions and their subjection to central rule. The new government laid modern foundations for local administrations, introduced new systems in managing the economy and society, and linked Sudan's regions to each other and to the outside world. That rule ended with the success of the Mahdist Revolution, which was the first liberation revolution on the African continent based on a religious philosophy that sought to unify the word of Muslims and remove foreign rule. It was destined for success in 1885 AD. The national Mahdist state did not last long, as the country was again swept by foreign invasion armies belonging to the bilateral alliance between the governments of Egypt and Britain in 1899 AD. The people of Sudan lived under foreign administration that destroyed their traditional institutions and their dream of an independent state until they officially achieved their independence again in 1956 AD. We mention this very briefly because the topic of this paper focuses on the ancient and intermediary cultural heritage and its impact on building the unity of Sudan and the identity of its population, which we discuss in the following paragraph.
How do Sudanese now view that ancient cultural history? How do they do it, especially when it comes to identity and establishing the national character? The common people and the elite of various sects adhere to this. Ancient history, with its archaeological and cultural data, has not infiltrated to a sufficient extent in general or non-specialized published literature, nor in general education curricula. Large sectors of the educated elite see it as something far removed from the concerns of their daily lives and perhaps unrelated to their direct lineage. In academic writings dealing with society, politics, and culture, one usually encounters an observation of the facts of ancient and medieval history presented by the author as a necessary matter imposed by the research methodology. The writer usually intends a historical rooting of the subject of study without employing that information in developing an intellectual thesis. Common examples of providing summaries of cultural heritage are usually found in studies that deal with Sudan’s identity: is it Arab or African? Or those that are based on the principle of the specificity of the formation of Sudanese culture and national identity. There are also those who address Sudanese ethnic and cultural diversity within the framework of foreign relations (Ahmed Muhammad Ali Al-Hakim, 1990; Abdel Hadi Al-Siddiq, 1997; Mahjoub Al-Basha, 1998). These are limited examples of the many publications on these issues issued by research centers, universities, and individuals, remarkably since the 1990s. This is the period in which the political and academic elites became increasingly aware of the importance of cultural heritage and its role in finding solutions to the country’s problems that had remained unresolved for a long time. Much before that, the issue of Sudanese culture and identity was raised in dialogues that centered around the dialectic of Arabism and Africanism, while taking various forms and aspects. One of the most prominent historians of Arabs and Islam in Sudan believes that the formation of the Sudanese nation began within the current geographical framework of the country since the beginning of the ancient Kush state and the civilizations that followed it in the Middle Ages. He believes that the current Sudanese have an African element in their racial composition, and that the processes of intermarriage and assimilation with the incoming Arabs produced generations of Arabized people. He goes on to say that Sudan is Arab by birth, language, and conscience, but the hybridity that is clearly visible does not make them pure Arabs (Youssef Fadl, 1988: 40-44). In another area, he discusses the spread of the Arabic language and its culture in the center of the country and the decline of its influence as we move away from the center, where local African languages are still popular and resist the Arabization trend, which confirms the strength of African culture. He says, “It seems that a few Sudanese made a mistake out of ignorance when they went to extremes in exaggerating their affiliation with the Arabs alone. Perhaps this extremism on the one hand and adherence to the Arab Islamic civilization on the other hand is an attempt to find a civilizational support to lean on after English colonialism defeated their Mahdist revolution, usurped their country, and almost contained them with its European civilization” (Youssef Fadl, 1975: 21-22). There is no doubt that such an opinion is not far from reality, but it does not prevent those who develop it from taking other positions.
When looking at the early dialogues about Sudanese identity and its relationship to the historical component, we find discrepancy and ambiguity in the use of terms such as “Sudanese identity,” “nationalism/patriotism,” and “Sudanese personality.” It is possible to make three observations about the literature that dealt with this topic. The first is the focus on Sudanese Arabic literature, especially classical and colloquial Arabic poetry, then the story and the article, considering that they are the vessels that preserve Sudanese thought and therefore represent the main source of knowledge of the characteristics of identity and the origins of culture. The second observation is that it chronicles Sudanese culture through the Arab-Islamic heritage, not paying attention to what came before it. The third observation is that these contributions focus on the northern and central regions when it is necessary to return to the ancient cultural heritage, due to the availability of information sources, as we mentioned above, and at the same time, they are the place of the most clear Arab-Islamic influence.
The most popular thesis on the subject of Sudanese identity is based on the principle of mixing and fusion between the Arab tribes and the local population who have been absorbed by the Arab-Islamic culture. The first thing to note about it is that it rarely discusses the processes of cultural change and does not offer an objective explanation for the diversity in the levels of Arabization or Islamization of local ethnic groups. Many writers mention the processes of mixing the Arab element with the African according to a mechanical method that ultimately leads to a new biological element called “Sudanese,” after which another equation occurs, which is not entirely clear, linking the biological and the cultural. The new culture is the natural equivalent of the hybrid race. One of those who hold this opinion says: “... and through this cross-fertilization, a new creature came into existence, the modern Sudanese, which does not constitute pure Arab blood or pure Negro blood, but certainly combines in its tissues these two types of blood, and carries in its brain the product of the strongest and most complete culture...” (Muhammad Al-Makki Ibrahim, 1989: 12) Regarding the same process of mixing between the arriving Arabs and the local population, another says: “... and a distinctive element resulted from all of this.” In his personality, culture, and affiliation, he is Arab in tongue and culture, African in intersections, a middle ethnic mixture that we can call “African-African,” “Afro-Arab, as the Franks say” (Abdul Ghaffar Muhammad Ahmad 1987: 31). Thus, the face is African and the culture is Arab, because the definition of the latter here is limited to language and religion and does not pay attention to its other (material) elements that may carry residues of the local African culture.
On the other side, there are those who believe that there are purely Arab groups in the north and center, and others that are purely African, as is the case in the south of the country, who were not influenced by Arab culture, did not mix with it, and remained outside the circle of cultural influence and influence. The south of the country in general continued to be ethnically and culturally distinct, as many see. Deng, 2000: 8. Although this opinion is true in its generality, there is also evidence of long-standing cultural intermingling, as we alluded to when reviewing ancient history. Talking about races and ethnicities and linking them to culture is a very complex matter and cannot be addressed so simply. In the case of Sudan, there are not yet sufficient studies in natural anthropology that allow delving into linking a specific race to a specific culture, and the information published on this issue in northern Sudan does not indicate a sudden or major shift in the biological characteristics of the population structure from the Kushite era until after the fall of the Christian kingdoms. On the other hand, archaeological and anthropological research in general in other places has demonstrated the difficulty, and perhaps a mistake, of linking a culture to an ethnic group, as there are documented cases in which we find groups of different ethnic origins sharing a single cultural system. In this case, it is appropriate to research culture through its intrinsic elements and not the human element that produced that culture. Deng,2000: 8
Arab/Islamic thought, more clearly than others, continued in the literary movement through which educated Sudanese expressed their identity and cultural distinction. In the sixties of the last century, regional movements emerged, and in the national capital, expressing the aspirations and demands of ethnic and tribal groups, represented by the right to recognize cultural difference and equality in economic and social rights. In a short time, they turned into politicized organizations struggling to achieve political and economic gains from the standpoint of cultural difference and diversity. Among these people, or those who agree with them, leaders of military operations against the central government in the East and West have emerged in the past few years. Thus, the identity dialogue turned into an armed conflict that threatened national unity. On the other hand, movements emerged representing different intellectual currents in their approach to issues of culture and national identity, and these expressed their views through theatre, poetry, newspaper articles, seminars, etc. Although the works of these groups came from disparate intellectual starting points, and were not united by a single organizational framework, nevertheless, in their entirety, they represent the beginning of the second thesis on Sudanese culture.
The authors of the second thesis presented their topics and ideas by addressing Sudanese literature, its history, contents, artistic trends and methods. The same opinions also appeared in critical studies of the plastic arts, examining their themes and the historical sources of their various expressions. These critical/literary works were distinguished by two things. The first was that they focused on the African and local origins and characteristics of Sudanese culture in an attempt to make it equal to or superior to Arab culture, which created a duality that was perhaps unnecessary in dealing with a thorny topic such as cultural identity. The second thing is that it strongly presents the idea of ethnic and cultural diversity in Sudan and calls for the right of minorities to highlight their cultural identities as a gateway to enjoying their natural rights. Terms were widespread in the media at that time, the meanings of which were not precisely defined, such as “the forest and the desert,” “marginal or marginalized minorities,” and “Africanism.” Without prejudice to the rights of these minorities or acknowledging their existence, one must take into account the processes of change and mixing brought about by modern economic, educational, and administrative developments and means of communication in the period that followed the publication of initial information about small ethnic entities and their cultures. It is not known with certainty what happened to the cohesion of small entities. On the other hand, one must remember the results of the mass migrations or displacement that resulted from tribal conflicts and the harshness of drought waves since the 1970s. It may happen that some members of an ethnic group join another group, integrate into it and then acquire its way of life. It is also not precisely documented the extent of the changes that have occurred in the cultures of the displaced groups in terms of dialects, customs, etc. In such circumstances, identities change and others are formed (Youssef Mukhtar Al-Amin, 2001).
We pointed out that the issues of national unity and Sudanese affiliations are complex and involve various factors, including political, economic, social and regional factors, but the cultural factor represents a central position in them. There is no doubt that Sudanese dialogues about identity, despite their ambiguity, did not end in an intellectual position that most people would rally around and take as a starting point for objective solutions to the country’s outstanding problems since before independence.
When Sudan officially gained its independence from foreign rule in 1956 AD. His joining the Arab League was a natural matter that did not constitute an obstacle to the political class that led the resistance movement and formed effective national parties and various labor organizations. The majority of these leaders were from the vanguard of the educated middle class and trained in government offices, and they originally came from population groups of Arab origin. Most of Sudan's regions have remained far from modern education for a long time, and some of them even remained outside the course of events thanks to the isolation policies imposed by the foreign administration. Anyone who is familiar with the official history of the independence movement sees at first glance its Arab-Islamic orientation, as it was closely related to the Egyptian national movement, for example. The resistance movement’s discourse to the foreigner was Arab and Islamic. Its Arabic language was its means of communication and media, through articles, public statements, and poetic poems. The popular sectors of Arab origins succeeded in expanding socially, politically, and economically, and they also succeeded, to varying degrees, in attracting or accompanying other sectors of non-Arab societies. Over time, the trend of Arabism and Islam became entrenched in the form of an “ideology” for the vanguard elites, supported by economic gains and cultural production represented in historical and social writings and the curricula of formal and popular education.
The acceptance of Sudan as a state and a people within the system of Arab countries was the result of historical and cultural conditions dating back to the sixteenth century, as we mentioned above, and this is something that has its good advantages, of course, as well as its entitlements. It is undisputed that the majority of Sudanese people profess Islam and speak Arabic, despite their clear ethnic diversity. His accession helped strengthen Arab culture and enabled it to call for the inclusion of all, despite ethnic and historical differences. Over time, Arab culture automatically became a set of coherent social symbols and beliefs through which the Sudanese individual viewed social reality. This process continued through the channels of acculturation and education, and during that time society and its groups were framed on these foundations. Without prior planning by the controlling elites, this framing hindered the opportunities of minorities that did not conform to the prevailing model, in the areas of self-development, economically and socially. Thus, a psychological/authoritarian barrier was formed that stood in the way of any review aimed at addressing internal affairs that was thought to affect the essence of Arab affiliation that had been historically entrenched.
In the nineties of the last century, the Sudanese crisis became more complicated, and the cultural conflict extended to regions other than the south of the country, where Muslim tribal groups of non-Arab origins entered the conflict. It is not easy to attribute the worsening of these conditions to internal factors only, but also to external factors, because the data of the new world order are not far from the course of events in Sudan.
Today, no one disagrees on the importance of cultural and ethnic diversity in Sudan, nor on the necessity of searching for radical solutions to problems that have remained unresolved for many years. The literature of political parties and civil society organizations all agree on the essence of this matter, but they differ in the solutions and paths leading to them. The debate that has been going on for years has become frank and bold as it deals with the details of the foundations on which modern Sudanese society is based and touches on its regional relations at the same time. In terms of Sudan’s Arab relations, some have noticed that the dialogue currently taking place between the segments of society has not been shared by fellow Arab thinkers in a way that rises to the level of Sudan’s relationship with the Arab system. Sudan has been left alone, and if there is participation, it is from the standpoints of Arab national security and the preservation of Sudan as “the Arabs’ gateway to Africa” and “the crossing point for Arab culture...” etc. These are slogans that many describe as missionary and harmful to the fate of internal relations between the various ethnic groups of Sudan, not to mention that they express old concepts that are inappropriate even from the standpoint of concern for the spread of Arab-Islamic culture. Achieving the last goal at the present time does not require crossings or geographical gates through which the cultural impact can be transmitted. They go on to say that the lack of positive Arab participation is due to the marginality that Sudan has experienced in its Arab relationship for a long time. This marginality is rooted in the lack of knowledge about the specifics of Sudan’s social structure, and the Sudanese historical and cultural data are not sufficiently known to its brothers. Perhaps this situation expresses itself in the writings written by the Sudanese on various topics, which seemed like arguments to prove the Arabism of Sudan and its culture. Muhammad Omar Bashir discussed the issue of the specificity of cultural and ethnic diversity in Sudan in the context of his talk about the Arab and African dimension in Sudan’s relations. He stated that Sudan did not sometimes participate in some Arab organizations because of its peripheral status or because the issue of Arabism was not resolved in it (Mohamed Omar Bashir, 1991: 84-90). This internal polarization continued when the idea of citizenship emerged as a basis for coexistence and obtaining rights, not religion, race, or anything else. This is the appropriate approach to separating the connection between Arabism and the monopoly of power and wealth, according to the opinion of some who support this trend. The bold negotiations taking place now (3) between all Sudanese parties do not deviate from this framework, and it seems that everyone is preparing to make concessions that appear historic in order to secure national unity. If the current dialogue reaches its desired goals, Sudan will have a new face imposed by internal objective circumstances and not the desires of individuals or foreign parties. The expected new situation stems from a review of the positions of cultural identities, each of which has an official reading of its history that has remained unreviewable or impenetrable for a long time. On the internal level, the country’s history, as it was mostly written, may have extended its moral authority for the benefit of one group of society and not others, so that they could derive strength and authority from it and shape the present through it. I do not want us to take the common saying that history is written by the victors according to what they wish, but questioning history is a necessary matter dictated to us by the current situation in Sudan. Re-reading cultural history in all its eras must be coupled with the aforementioned ongoing field research project, especially in those regions that do not have a written history. The information provided by antiquities, historical sources, and popular heritage is the primary source that reveals to us the levels of communication and influence between the various ethnicities and races in the country, and then highlights what is common between them, which supports the bonds of cultural unity and recognizes diversity and specificity at the same time. To secure these things, only political decisions are not enough, in any case.
But a common understanding of the historical circumstances in which Sudanese culture was formed opens the door wide to national construction and social cohesion. This is based on the fact that it is one of the pillars of legitimacy on which the national state is based, as we mentioned. Then the Sudanese may be in a better position to create more balanced and beneficial regional relations for themselves and their partners in the Arab and African worlds on the one hand, and in the interest of the growth of Arab-Islamic culture and its interaction with local cultures on the other hand.
(1) This approach in archaeological studies is called ethnarchaeology, and it is based on analyzing the material elements of traditional societies in their environmental and social contexts for the purpose of collecting information useful in building theoretical hypotheses with which the researcher starts from the present to interpret the past (Youssef Mukhtar Al-Amin, 2002).
(2) A group of writers and artists took it as the slogan for an intellectual forum examining the origins of African culture and its sources in the sixties of the last century.
(3) The boldness of the dialogue between the Sudanese was represented when it was decided that Khartoum would be the capital of Arab culture in 2005 AD, as some saw that defining Arabic might cause an internal problem for groups other than Arabs. Others believe that Khartoum will present a Sudanese face to Arab culture that includes its African elements at the same time. It is noteworthy that the discussion was free and open in the media, to which many people contributed, including some officials.
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