Prehistoric Periods in the Nile Valley
Yousif E. Mukhtar
Prehistoric times in the Nile Valley
D. Youssef Mukhtar Al-Amin
Department of Archeology - College of Arts, King Saud University - Riyadh
Geological history of the Nile River and ancient environment
It is agreed to give the name Nile Valley to the land located on both sides of the Nile River, extending from the delta in the far north of Egypt to the confluence of the White and Blue Nile in Khartoum in central Sudan. Of course, there is nothing in this description that prevents adding the rest of the Sudanese regions south of Khartoum to the Nile Valley. In historical sources, Egypt is usually divided into two regions: Upper Egypt (Upper Egypt) and Lower Egypt (Upper Egypt). The first extends from the First Cataract to the southern edges of the delta, where the Nile River flows through desert land, forming a narrow strip of agricultural land. As for Lower Egypt, it includes the delta region, where the river branches into several branches that flow into the Mediterranean Sea, where lakes and swamps abound. Despite the natural similarity between these two regions, they contributed to Egyptian civilization in different roles that combined and integrated to give it its distinct character.
As for Sudan, it is divided into two parts: Lower Nubia, which extends from the first cataract to the second cataract; And Upper Nubia, which extends from the Second Cataract to Khartoum in the south, Adams, 1977:20-24, although many limit the Nubia region to the land extending from the Fourth Cataract in the north to the Egyptian-Sudanese border. In the rest of Sudan, from its southern and eastern borders to Khartoum, rivers and their branches, streams, and large valleys flow. There are also vast areas in Sudan away from the course of the river that are suitable for agriculture and grazing in ancient and modern times. Natural conditions have provided diverse environments for humans throughout the ages, which had a great impact on the cultural product and had an impact on the levels of communication between the regions of the two countries of the Nile Valley. This will also become clear later when we describe the development of Stone Age civilizations. On the other hand, the geographical description of the Nile Valley is not complete without referring to the deserts surrounding the Nile Valley. Related geological and archaeological studies have demonstrated the importance of the desert, especially the part of the Sahara Desert adjacent to the Nile River, where wells, springs, depressions and large valleys flowing into the river are spread. Adams,1977:20-24
As for the desert itself, it was also inhabited during most of the Stone Ages, and there is archaeological evidence that confirms contact and movement between the desert and the Nile Valley, especially during periods of climate fluctuation, which resulted in mixing and intermingling between population groups and their cultures, which in turn resulted in enriching the cultural achievements in this part of the ancient world (Mohamed Ali 2003: 24-26). Muhammad Ali
On both banks of the river in Egypt and Sudan, one of the greatest cities in the ancient Near East arose. Ancient Egyptian civilization is widely known for its great achievements in the fields of political and administrative systems, architecture, arts, literature, beliefs, and languages. The radiance of this great civilization reached not only the neighboring regions, but also extended to distant horizons in the East and West. The South Valley in Sudan also knew an ancient civilization beginning with the emergence of the city state in Kerma around 2000 BC. M. As the first city in Africa outside of Egypt, it was followed by the Kushite civilization with its Nabataean and Meroe eras, in which Egyptian cultural influences mixed with distinguished local achievements.
There is no doubt that these civilizations of the Nile Valley were based on cultural experiences extending back to the depths of prehistory, as the region was not far from what the early hunter-gatherer groups in Africa and the Near East achieved in terms of innovations and improvements in making tools, weapons, and various types of primitive arts, and the ability to exploit the natural environment and successfully adapt to natural difficulties. The Nile Valley gains special importance when considering the development of the Stone Ages and the spread of humans from Africa to beyond. The first humans who moved from East Africa hundreds of thousands of years ago, and after them the oldest lineages of modern humans, followed ancient waterways, and later the Nile River, to North Africa and the eastern Mediterranean. When the oldest civilizations and the central state appeared, their origins were located locally in the Neolithic societies that completed the stage of food production, represented by agriculture, animal husbandry, pottery making, various craft industries, and the construction of stable residences.
Hence, the study of the Stone Ages in the Nile Valley gains special importance for two main reasons: The first is its location on the African continent, in the middle between East Africa, the oldest centers of early humans, Asia in the east, and North Africa and then Europe to the west. The second reason is the nature of cultural development during the prehistoric period in the same region, which formed the basis on which the oldest civilizations of the Near East were built.
We derive our knowledge of prehistoric times in the Nile Valley from the results of archaeological excavations and surveys that began in the first decades of the last century AD. We learned about the presence of humans in the region through surface captures that were noticed by explorers who visited the region and compared it to what is known of its kind in other places in the world. It is known that the prehistoric period was not an important topic for researchers at that time, as the Nile Valley gained its historical importance from the discovery of traces of ancient Egyptian (Pharaonic) civilization. The cultural discoveries of the contents of the pyramids, temples, and cities were wonderful finds, as well as the texts of the ancient Egyptian language, and the arts of ancient Egyptian civilization, whose interesting academic topics did not leave room for studies in the field of prehistory. Moreover, there were few visible prehistoric sites at that time and it was believed that most of them had been buried by river floods, or that they had never existed to begin with. Some of those interested in the prehistoric period thought that the Nile Valley did not play an important role and did not contribute to the cultures of that period, but rather remained backward and culturally stagnant (Caton-Thompson, 1952: 57-58). Caton-Thompson,1952:57-58
Whatever these views may be, interest in the prehistoric period began slowly. In the early years of the last century, Schwingerth, Corley, and Sturt described stone tools found in various sites in the Egyptian desert, and Bouvier-Lamini did the same during excavations at Abbasiya, near Cairo. Then comes the important work carried out by Caton-Thomson and Gardner during the twenties and thirties of the twentieth century in the Badari region and then Fayoum, where they monitored a long succession of the Stone Ages, especially the Neolithic Age and the pre-dynastic period. Likewise, their work in the Kharga Oasis (1930-1932) represents a prominent milestone in our knowledge of the Paleolithic period in the Nile Valley. Among the important works in central Egypt was that carried out by Venard and his discovery of what he called the Sabil civilization in Kom Ombo, which he attributed to the Upper Paleolithic Age (Wendorf and Schild, 1976:XV). In this first phase of research, the Nubia region received much attention due to the construction and elevation of the Aswan Reservoir, where two important archaeological surveys were conducted (1907-1911 and 1929-1939). In Sudanese Nubia, nothing was reported in the results of these studies about the Paleolithic Age. As for Egyptian Nubia, the presence of stone industries attributed to the early stages of the prehistoric period was mentioned, and they were linked to the ancient river floods represented by the clay terraces on both sides of the river Adams, 1977: 20-24; Sandford and Arkell,1933:35. Wendorf and Schild,1976:XVAdams,1977:20-24
Within Sudan, Anthony Arkell worked for a long time as a researcher in the antiquities of Sudan, showing a special interest in the prehistoric period, as he carried out irregular surveys in most of the regions of Sudan, during which he collected superficial scraps of Paleolithic tools. After that, he excavated the site of Khor Abu Anja, which contains important finds from the Acheulean period - the oldest stage of prehistory in the region - and he published a booklet about it on the Paleolithic era in Sudan, Arkell, 1949a. Among his other important researches, which had a great impact on prehistoric studies in Sudan and the Nile Valley in general, were the excavations he carried out at the sites of early Khartoum and Al-Shehinab. There were finds in them indicating the existence of the oldest evidence of the beginnings of settlement, pottery making, and food production. These discoveries placed the Middle Nile region on the map of prehistoric research and attracted the attention of research scientists, as many scientific teams were later sent to conduct field research there Arkell, 1949; 1975. Arkell,1949aArkell,1949 ; 1975
The campaign to save the antiquities of Nubia (1959-1965) was a turning point in the history of archaeological work in the Nile Valley, especially research related to prehistoric times. When it was decided to build the High Dam, the governments of Egypt, Sudan, and the United Nations issued a global appeal to help save the antiquities of the area that would be submerged by water. Dozens of scientific missions or teams have already arrived to conduct salvage archaeological surveys and excavations. Prehistory was not at the forefront of this campaign at first, but due to the efforts of some foreign scholars and national administrators (Thabet Hassan Thabet and Najm al-Din Muhammad Sharif - Arkamani), the United American Mission from Dallas University and other American and European universities was entrusted with the task of exploring and inventorying prehistoric sites and studying examples of them. The results of the work of this mission and other scientific teams were exciting and new, revealing a sequence of prehistoric roles that clearly illustrate the uniqueness of the region and the richness and diversity of its civilization. The study and comparisons showed that some of them are related to their counterparts in North Africa, while others reflect a local cultural development. The region's vitality during prehistoric times and its contribution, along with others, to advancing the development of human civilization were also confirmed. The American mission monitored more than twenty traditions in the manufacture of distinctive stone tools, arranged in a timeline starting from the Acheulean era until the end of the Neolithic era and the dawn of history. The mission conducted geological, environmental and geomorphological research to learn the history of the Nile River in order to place the civilizations of the Stone Ages in their natural context in which animal and plant food resources were available. This field research focused on geographically distributing archaeological sites to reveal patterns of ancient human settlement and the relationship of the Nile River to the desert.
The results of the campaign to save the antiquities of Nubia were not limited to scientific results, but rather had a great impact in attracting international research centers and universities to conduct field studies with specific scientific objectives. There were scientific issues raised by the results of the first works that required further planned archaeological research to be resolved (Mohamed Ali and Al-Amin, 1992: 65-70). The American mission moved to conduct its field research in Egypt immediately after the end of the campaign. It conducted archaeological surveys in Edfu and from north of Isna to Nag Hammadi, and then after that in the Fayoum region. As for the Western Desert, it conducted important surveys and excavations in the ancient Al-Abyar and sabkha area and around Wadi Al-Kabaniyah. This mission was distinguished by its comprehensive field research, as the team usually consists of several specializations concerned with the natural environment, water resources, and geological formations, in addition to the food resources available to Stone Age hunters in the region, in addition to a number of experienced archaeologists. The mission members worked in difficult conditions, but they adopted a strict work methodology and logistical preparation that were followed by the rest of the scientific teams. The American team and its partners from Europe and Egypt worked for more than thirty continuous years, and the results of their work were extremely important in our knowledge of the Stone Ages and the development of their civilization. This information has been published in many volumes, specialized magazines, periodicals, and scientific conferences, which has gained the region international academic fame. Wendorf and Schild, 1980:1-15. 1989:1-8. Muhammad Ali and Al-Amin,1992:65-70Wendorf and Schild,1980:1-15
It is also worth mentioning the work of other scientific missions that carried out work whose results were also of great importance. The Belgian mission, for example, conducted research over a period of years in central Egypt that provided us with new information about the Middle and Upper Paleolithic groups, as it changed many of the previously prevailing opinions about the emergence of Upper Paleolithic technologies with their Middle Eastern characteristics in the Nile Valley, which we will discuss later.
In Sudan, a number of European and American missions gathered in the Middle Nile region around Khartoum and northern Sudan and focused their excavations on Neolithic sites specifically in search of the origin of agriculture, animal domestication, the spread of pastoralism, and how groups of hunters moved to the stage of food production. Field excavations and analysis of the finds were conducted using the latest available methods in archaeology, which created a qualitative shift in information indicating the capabilities of the population in the period 10,000 to 3000 BC. The topics of economic livelihood patterns, societal systems, and its cultural and religious characteristics have received extensive research and discussion among scholars. Discussing the issues of cultural transformation from hunting and gathering to agriculture, animal husbandry, and settlement led researchers to pay attention to the emergence of large settlements and the administrative systems on which the old Sudanese state was founded, Haaland, 1987. Haaland,1987
There are archaeological works that involved surveys in large areas far from the course of the Nile, such as the work of the Italian mission in the Gash River Delta in eastern Sudan and the American-Sudanese archaeological project that covered part of the eastern lining of Shaq al-Dud, 50 km from Khartoum to the Eritrean border in the east. German research in northwestern Sudan is also mentioned in this context, focusing on Wadi Howar. Although the location of these works was far from the floodplain of the river, they revealed important information about the relationship between the Nile Valley and its natural extension in the plains of Sudan in the east and west. Despite the large number of field works in central Sudan and the area surrounding the Nile Valley, there remain large regions of the country that archaeological research teams have not yet reached. The regions of southern Sudan did not receive much archaeological work except for what was carried out by one mission for only two seasons (Muhammad Ali and Al-Amin,1992) and Mack, J. and Robershaw,P.1982. Mack,J. and Robershaw,P.1982
The mentioned field archaeological works from Egypt and Sudan are only examples of the most important circles of that scientific activity. There are dozens of foreign and national excavation and research teams in both countries carrying out their research in prehistoric sites for periods that may be long or short. The result today of all these works has been that our knowledge of the prehistoric period has expanded, not only in the field of finds of stone tools, pottery, etc., but also in the systems of Stone Age societies and their natural frameworks, which has made the Nile Valley today considered one of the most fortunate river valleys in the world in prehistoric research. The result of all of this was a careful review of many of the ideas or theories that were put forward to explain cultural developments during the Stone Ages, which is an ongoing process, of course, due to the continuation of field research and the diversity of sources of information.
Geological history of the Nile River and ancient environment
The Nile River, the longest river in the world, represents the lifeline and backbone of Egypt and Sudan, not only at the present time, but throughout the history of human settlement on its banks. The Nile is a permanent source of water for humans and animals, and it contains some sources of food, such as fish and others. As it descends from the Ethiopian plateau, the Blue Nile brings mineral silt, while the White Nile brings plant silt, which fertilizes the land on the Nile River and makes it suitable for agriculture, a source of basic living for the population for thousands of years. The river also linked the north and south, as it was the main means of transportation. People’s lives were shaped around it, and arts, worship, and myths emerged. One cannot comprehend the cultural history of the region without considering the advantages and gifts of the Nile River. Just as the Nile was and still is the link between Sudan and Egypt, it was also the reason for attracting population groups from North Africa and the Sahara since ancient times. People lived for tens of thousands of years before the emergence of ancient Egyptian civilization. What was the impact of the river on prehistoric humans? When did the Nile take its current course? How is the rate of water flow affected by global and regional climate shifts? These represent a type of question that archaeologists and geologists asked a long time ago, when some of them observed terraces with different levels on both sides of the valley and found in their layers stone tools and animal bones from different eras.
These early observations were not comprehensive or of a specific scientific character, but what happened during the campaign to save the Nubia antiquities and the field research that took place after it clarified much of the geological history of the river. Many sites were excavated to link them to natural formations, and selected sections of alluvial sediments and valley formations that flow into the river were studied and compared to determine their times and climatic implications. The results of this research have been published in a comprehensive manner covering the history of the river, the ancient climate, and the link between human settlement and environmental conditions and the natural resources it provides for humans and animals. It is sufficient here to point out the most important of these studies, such as those published by Daenzlen in 1968, Mapthezer and Hansen 1968, Rushdi Said in 1975, Bahi Al-Issawi 1976, Wendorff and Schild 1976, and Vermeerch 1987 (for details of these works see Paulissen, E. and Vermeerch, P. 1987). Paulissen,E. and Vermeerch,P.1987
These studies, which followed over a period of three decades, served to establish an environmental framework through which researchers could look at the succession of cultural roles in the prehistoric period and compare archaeological remains attributed to a period in which specific environmental conditions prevailed.
The results of geological studies differ on the issue of the antiquity of the Nile River as a watercourse whose water comes from sources known today in Central and East Africa, as well as on the meanings of natural phenomena reflected in the sedimentary formations near the banks of the river. Some believe that the Nile River began digging its current course more than a quarter of a million years ago, as evidenced by the presence of alluvial sediments of Ethiopian origin in the Dendera Formation. After that, the river was cut off and did not return to its original state until the period 100,000–60,000 BC. The other opinion holds a recent history for the river, as there were a number of rivers in its valley with water coming from local rains and other distant sources, but its course extended from the Ethiopian plateau to northern Egypt for the first time in the above-mentioned history. Scientists also differ in their interpretation of the relationship between major river floods and local climate conditions. Some believe that sedimentary terraces correspond to periods of ice expansion in the northern hemisphere. When the river water level decreases for years that may be longer or shorter, this corresponds to the warm periods that occur between each ice age and the next. There is another opinion that says that these terraces were formed when the river was weak such that it was unable to complete its flow to the delta, and that the first of them was formed more than 30,000 years ago, and the river was not able to dig its course again until about 20,000 BC. By the Late Paleolithic period, the so-called Al-Sahaba mastabas - Daraw and Mesmis - were formed, and then the flow of the river increased around 10,000 BC. This is the period after which Neolithic settlements appeared. Based on subsequent geological and archaeological studies, some researchers proposed a modification to the model of a major flood followed by a clear decrease in the river’s water level and then another major flood, to assume a massive rise in the river’s water level interspersed with minor, oscillating decreases. Wendorf, F. andSchild,R. 1989:89-100. There is no doubt that the Nile River is affected by local and global climatic conditions, and it, along with the neighboring desert, with its varying climates over time, constituted an important environmental element that determined population settlement patterns during the Stone Ages. Wendorf,F. and Schild,R. 1989:89-100
During rainy times, we find sites/settlements of fishermen spread across the valleys and lakes of eastern the Sahara Desert, just as they existed near the Nile Valley itself during the Lower and Middle Paleolithic periods. Recent research conducted in the area of Bir Sahra and Bir Tarfawi (300 km west of Abu Simbel) revealed the succession of at least five cycles of rainy conditions, interspersed with two dry periods and another in which water is confined to limited spots. The age of the oldest rainy periods is estimated at about 350,000 BC. Wendorf et al., 1993. During the Middle Paleolithic period, we find that hunters set up their camps near the mouths of the river valleys or on the edge of the floodplain, as well as on the outskirts of the Savannah plain near the Nile Valley. It seems that movement between these sites was governed by the abundance of natural resources caused by rain and the level of river flood, which impeded residence in the floodplain Elamin 1981: 195-200. Wendorf et al.,1993
By the last era of the Pleistocene geological era (18,000 - 10,000 BC), a state of drought began to prevail, which intensified over time, reaching a peak of an extent that climatic conditions in the region had never known before. The results of geological and geomorphological research in Sudan, Egypt, and East Africa indicate a state of drought, reflected by the decline in lake levels or their drying up, just as the waters of the marshes and depressions in the desert disappeared and the valleys stopped flowing toward the river. As for the Nile River, it reached its lowest level during this period. In Sudan, we find that the White Nile has been completely cut off due to the lack of sufficient water from Lake Victoria, and the Blue Nile’s water level has decreased significantly. The sand dunes have encroached near the river and the vegetation belts have retreated to the south of their present borders by at least 500 km Adamson,1982:223-233; Wendorf and Schild (1976:236-295) The climate conditions did not improve until the beginning of the Holocene era (10,000 BC). The impact of the drought was clear on the settlement of the desert, as it was devoid of archaeological sites representing the Upper Paleolithic period. Groups of people migrated to the Nile Valley and the valleys near it, where groups with different cultures mixed in the region, reflected in the collections of stone tools of different types, as will be mentioned later. The work of Wendroff and others in Wadi al-Kabaniyah, west of Aswan, demonstrated the extent of the effects that the drought period had on people’s lives, which reached its peak in 17,500-15,000 BC. M. During this period, groups of fishermen gathered near the river, where they practiced intensive fishing for fish, where hundreds of thousands of fish bones were found. It is believed that fish are collected in times of abundance and preserved for days of hardship. When the flood comes, the settlements move away from the river a little. The inhabitants added plants and trunks to their food, and many grinding or grinding tools were discovered among the stone finds. The dependence of large groups of fishermen on the limited resources of the Nile led to an expected competition that resulted in fighting that led to the death of some, as evidenced by the presence of blades in the abdominal area of the body of one of the skeletons discovered in the graves that were excavated. Wendorf and Schild, 1989:96. Clear archaeological evidence of death as a result of violence in this period is found in the Jabal al-Sahaba cemetery near Wadi Halfa, which was excavated in the sixties of the last century, as it was found that approximately 40 percent of Individuals died as a result of violence, and stone arrowheads were found with the structures in positions indicating injury. Wendorf, 1968:954-982. Wendorf and Schild,1989:96Wendorf,1968:954-982
In the Holocene era that followed the end of the last ice age, new lifestyles began to appear in the Nile Valley, like other regions of the Near East, based on agriculture, animal domestication, and pottery making. New climate cycles prevailed in this period, as after the last major flood of the river, which ended around 6000 BC. (Aniba Formation) Floods became almost the annual pattern known now. It is noted from the distribution of Neolithic sites that they are concentrated near the banks of the river or near the valleys that flow into it. In Sudan, this distribution expands to include the Butana Plain and the deltas of the Gash and Atbara rivers. As expected, environmental conditions vary according to the geographical characteristics in these regions, and the local climate has greatly influenced settlement processes. The Holocene era witnessed two major rainy periods, interspersed with periods of drought that increased or decreased in severity from one place to another. The overall archaeological evidence indicates that since the late Upper Paleolithic era, hunter-gatherer groups have tended toward intensive exploitation of available natural resources and remained in their areas for longer periods than was usual in the past. In the Egyptian Western Desert, we find that natural climatic conditions improved again after the severe drought period mentioned above. Heavy rains led to the revival of vegetation and animals returned to their natural places. In the oases of Siwa, Al-Qattara, and Al-Kharga, the climatic conditions improved and population groups gathered there. The material elements discovered indicate that they adopted the Neolithic lifestyle. Sites of this period were found spread throughout the Western Desert in marshes, valleys, and depressions, where some of these groups were able to domesticate cows and make pottery since the ninth millennium BC. M (Muhammad Ali,2003:14-18). Thus, these favorable climatic conditions continued until about 3000 BC. When drought gradually sets in again in the desert, which pushes large groups of people towards the Nile Valley, which is also affected by the new transformations. These observations about the ancient environment constitute a framework and basis upon which we can look at the sequence of cultural roles of the prehistoric period in the Nile Valley.
The archaeologists who studied the materials discovered in sites dating back to this first stage of prehistory used the approach followed in Europe and the Near East, especially with regard to the classification of groups of stone tools, which constitute the basic material on which their studies are based. When the discovered tools differ from what exists in terms of technical and formal aspects, they make comments on them and give them a local name to confirm their distinctiveness. The Paleolithic Age is usually divided into three stages: the lower, the middle, and the upper, each of which is characterized by types of tools and specialized techniques for shaping them, in addition to other cultural innovations related to people’s material and spiritual lives.
Lower Paleolithic (Lower Paleolithic)
The first stage of the Paleolithic begins in Africa with the history of the oldest stone tools known to date, around two and a half million years ago, and is limited to southern and eastern Africa. The stone tool industry at this stage is divided into two types: The first is called the Alduanian industry (referring to the Oldaway Gorge in Tanzania), which is famous for simple gravel tools such as cleavers, choppers, ball tools, and hammers, in addition to untrimmed fragments. This technology continues to manufacture tools for approximately more than one and a half million years. It has been found outside Africa in a few locations in West Asia and Southern Europe, and is more numerous in East Asia, but its history is relatively recent.
No sites of the Aldwaniya type are known in the Nile Valley in a position that can be accurately dated, but there are superficial traces of similar tools found in more than one place. Among the most important recent discoveries in northern Sudan, it is worth noting the “Kadnarti” site on Badin Island, south of the city of Dongola, where a quantity of Aldwani tools were found, such as cleavers, cutters, and other pebble tools, along with a quantity of bones of various extinct animals whose age was estimated to be between 1.6 million and a half million years, which makes the stone tools close in age to the second stage of the development of the Aldwani industry, dating to approximately this same period in East Africa. Thus, these finds represent, to date, the oldest tools of their kind whose history is approximately known in Sudan. This discovery clearly reinforces the presence of early humans in the Nile Valley. The scarcity of archaeological sites of this type may have been caused by the transformations that occurred in the earth’s formations and, consequently, the disappearance of the sedimentary layers that contained such finds (Chaix et al. 2000:33-43). Chaix et al.2000:33-43
The second type of industries of this stage is the so-called Acheulian industry, which dates back to the post-Aladwani period. It was also known for the first time in Africa, but it was widespread in the ancient world, including Europe. The Acheulean are distinguished by their hand axes, which are well trimmed on both sides of the tool, and have a pointed head and sharp edges. It can be manufactured in different shapes and sizes, which has led some to place it in successive evolutionary stages. These hand axes were accompanied by other innovations, such as the use of fire and the exploitation of different natural environments, which indicates the ability of humans at that time to move and adapt to different climatic conditions. No Acheulean industry has yet been discovered outside Africa, within the limits of its history in Africa. In North Africa, including the Nile Valley, we find Acheulean sites spread in more than one place, and their exact history is not known, but it is estimated to be within half a million years, based on geological data and the characteristics of stone tools. Some believe that the possibility of the existence of older Acheulian sites in the Nile Valley is expected because it represents one of the natural crossings for humans in their early migrations to Asia (?). Acheulean sites in Egypt are found in abundance in the Western Desert and near the aforementioned oases and wells, but a few of them were found near the river. An example of this is what was discovered early in the last century in Abbasiya, and those described by Sandford and Arkell in Upper Egypt and the Nubia region. They attempted to monitor the sequence of Acheulian tool making and link it to the terraces near the Nile Sandford and Arkell, 1933:10-35. As for modern archaeological surveys, they have revealed many Acheulean sites in central Egypt that could be linked to the history of the Nile River (Wendorf and Schild, 1976: 235). It was also found in northern Sudan around the city of Wadi Halfa. Among the important sites in this region, it is worth mentioning the Arqin 8 site because it provides us with important information about early settlement. Eight mounds were discovered, over which stone tools were spread over an area of approximately 500 square metres. A quantity of stones paved in a circular shape were found there, believed to be the remains of a hut, which is considered evidence that the site was a camp for fishermen at that time. The main tools include hand axes, cutters, discs, and large fragments, in addition to other types of relatively small-sized tools. In Sudanese Nubia, on the highlands far from the river bank, a number of Acheulean sites were found that contained types of trimmed tools to a degree that indicates technical and qualitative development that may have taken a long time. Wendorf, 1968: 110-193. Sandford and Arkell,1933:10-35Wendorf and Schild,1976:235Wendorf,1968:110-193
Anthony Arkell had previously observed this long continuity in Acheulean settlement when he excavated the site of Abu Anja, south of Omdurman, near the Nile River. Excavations there revealed several layers, one of which consisted of sediments from a branch of an ancient river that preceded the current Nile. In it, a large quantity of Acheulean tools were found, the most notable of which were hand axes of various shapes. Arkell, 1949. Arkell,1949
No matter how scarce our information about this period is compared to neighboring regions, what is known so far clearly indicates the spread of Early Stone Age hunters along the Nile. The field research currently underway in more than one place in Egypt and Sudan must provide us with new information, especially and may provide it with modern scientific capabilities that qualify it for this.
During the period extending from 150,000 BC, humans took important steps towards improving the level of manufacturing and diversifying their tools and adding other materials to the food base by exploring new regions of the world, including the cold regions of Europe. In this era, the use of fire became more common than ever, and signs of simple arts emerged, represented by making beads and drawing simple scribbles on bone or stone. People also began burying the dead, albeit in a primitive way. The most important thing usually mentioned in the field of tool manufacturing is the adoption of a new technology used to prepare cores by two specialized methods called Liphaloisie and Mousterian, which are famous in regions in Europe, North Africa, and the Eastern Mediterranean. Most of the human tools at this stage were formed on fragments rather than on blocks of gravel or axes in the previous era, and their trimming reflects clear technical ability and control. We mentioned earlier that some researchers thought that the Nile Valley did not contribute to the developments of this stage along with others, but their opinions changed after recent discoveries that clearly demonstrated the region’s cultural richness and even its distinction in traditions of shaping stone tools in a style unknown in neighboring regions. Whatever the case, the overall archaeological evidence is sufficient to place the Nile Valley within the civilizational circle that includes the Mediterranean Basin, Western Asia, and Europe. Marks, 1968a: 149-58. During the aforementioned period, humans were able to adapt to the Nile environment, which became part of the life cycle and livelihood economy of fishermen, as we find the Khor Musa industry sites in the Wadi Halfa region, for example, close to the river on the flood plain. The animal bones indicate that their owners exploited the savanna environment just as they benefited from the fish of the ponds and swamps near the river. Marks, 1968b:315-391. On the other hand, recent studies have shown that some Middle Paleolithic industries techniques continued in the Nile Valley for a long period after they had disappeared from many places in the Near East. As will be mentioned, we sometimes find it side by side with the techniques of the Upper Paleolithic, that is, with the stage that follows it. Marks,1968a:149-58Marks,1968b:315-391
Most Middle Paleolithic sites are located in central and southern Egypt and in Sudanese Nubia, in addition to the Egyptian Desert. A few of them are known in the rest of northern Sudan, where some of their sites have been identified in the Dongola region. Elamin, 1981: 101-118. In Sudan, south of Nubia, its presence is limited to surface catchments and a few sites containing sedimentary layers. It is clear that the form and content of this stage involves cultural differences, and its features are awaited by archaeological surveys, which are lacking in most regions of Sudan south of Nubia. It was not possible to determine the age of the Mousterian industries in Sudanese Nubia except through morphological comparisons and the geomorphological phenomena to which these finds are related. On the other hand, it was possible to obtain radiocarbon dates (radiocarbon 14) for the Khor Musa industry sites, which are now considered among the stone industries of this period, as it turned out that they date back to a period earlier than 35,000 BC. Elamin,1981:101-118
In central Egypt, recent research has revealed a number of period sites around Abydos and Sohag connected to the Nile River system, where tools and bone materials were found in their original places. The assemblies of stone tools do not differ from their counterparts in the region, where the Levalloisian technique is clearly present, and those who excavated these sites were able to document an evolutionary sequence linking them to the manufacture of the next stage of the Paleolithic era, which is attributed to the period of the spread of the so-called Homo sapiens race, Paulissen and Vermeerch, 1987. In the Egyptian Western Desert and its extension into northern Sudan, archaeological surveys revealed many sites dating back to this period, which were close to water resources and related natural flora and fauna, which provided a sufficient food base for hunter-gatherer groups. Examples of these important sites include what was discovered in Bir Tarfawi and Bir Sahra, where it was possible to identify three traditions in the formation of stone tools that reflect a diversity in the style of manufacturing tools and their shapes. They are Mousterian, which is dominated by serrated tools, scrapers, and heads and is characterized by the large size of the tools. Then comes others that are characterized, in addition to the previous types, by the presence of a few paper-shaped tools that are cut on both sides. As for the third, it is distinguished by the aforementioned paper pieces in greater numbers in addition to the heads. Winged and double-faced. The latter is attributed to the tradition of making the wells of Al-Ater (the Aterian industry), which is widespread in North Africa and across the Sahara to the Nile Valley. Wendorf et al, 1992: 103-111. Paulissen and Vermeerch,1987Wendorf et al,1992:103-111
In Sudanese Nubia, a number of traditions were revealed in the manufacture of assemblies of stone tools collected from dozens of sites. Some of them reflect local characteristics represented by the shapes of some nuclei that differ from the usual types in North Africa or the Eastern Mediterranean. It was also noted that some of the trimmed tools resemble in some of their characteristics similar tools from East and Central Africa, which suggests the possibility of cultural contact with the interior of the African continent. Due to these characteristics, it was called the Mousterian-Nubian industries. There are other sets of tools that have common specifications, which are called the Mousterian tool industry with notched tools. These divisions were built on the basis of qualitative and technical classification, as was done in the study of Mousterian industries in Europe and the Middle East.
All the Mousterian-Nubian sites were found above the surface in the highlands near the river, and the number of them studied does not exceed eleven sites. The Mousterian-Nubian group was divided into two types (A) and (B) based on the presence or absence of hand axes in each of them. Group (A) includes six sites, while group (B) includes only three sites. The trimmed tools in Group A are characterized by an abundance of well-known Mousterian types such as scrapers, serrations and knives, but differ from their European counterparts in the absence of the well-known Levallois heads. As for the Mousterian with notched tools, it uses the Levalois technique, just like the Nubian Mousterian, but the percentage of notched tools in it is very high. It is believed that these stone industries represent the remains of human groups with different cultural traditions, and this is the same explanation that François Bord previously proposed for the diversity found in the Mousterian industries in southwestern France. Marks, 1968a: 194-210. In a subsequent detailed study, I went beyond the formal classification of tools to adopt other precise technical elements, and proposed an analytical model that attributes the phenomena of similarity and difference to diversity in levels of environmental adaptation, and differences in the functions of the sites themselves and the finds found therein. Elamin, 1981: 184-145. Marks,1968a:194-210Elamin,1981:184-145
What is known as the Khor Musa industry is now attributed to the Middle Paleolithic period, which was first identified by Anthony Marx when he studied the archaeological material collected from seven sites near Wadi Halfa. He initially described it as a distinct stone industry that comes chronologically and culturally after the Mousterian industries attributed to the Middle Paleolithic, based on an incorrect interpretation of the locations of some sites in the stratigraphic sequence of the Nile sediments, and scientific errors that accompanied the determination of the radiocarbon dates (radiocarbon 14) that could be obtained at the time of that study. The Khor Musa industry relies on the formation of splinter tools produced mainly from Levallois cores, distinguishing them from trimmed tools - navers and scrapers. The owners of this culture relied on wild hunting of large animals of the savannah plain, as well as on species near the river, and then they added fish whose remains were found with the stone finds. It is of course expected that they also exploited plant resources to supplement their food requirements because their sites were confined to the river's floodplain Marks, 1968b:315-391. Later, the history of the Khor Musa industry was revised so that researchers agreed to trace it back to a date of 40,000 BC. The stone tool collections were also re-studied on new grounds, and it became clear that they represent another facet of the industries of the Middle Paleolithic Age. It is generally a tradition confined to the Wadi Halfa region, as the northernmost point where it was found is Wadi al-Kabaniyah in southern Egypt, and it was not found south of the second cataract (Wendorf and Schild, 1976: 236-239). Marks,1968b:315-391Wendorf and Schild,1976:236-239
Another study showed that the Khor Musa industry is contemporary with the Mousterian-Nubian industry, and that both belong to the same population group that lived in the Wadi Halfa region in the period between approximately 60,000 and 30,000 BC. The difference in the distribution of sites and their contents is mainly due to the diversity in the environment due to changes in climate and river levels, as well as the difference in environmental adaptation strategies and functions, represented by seasonal movement between the flood plain (Khor Musa sites) and the savanna plain (Mousteri-Nubian sites). Thus, during the Middle Paleolithic period, the Nile Valley witnessed a number of stone industries with diverse technical traditions, some of which were simultaneous and others sequential in time. They all express the cultural development in this period, despite the difficulty of determining many details of the lives of the population at that time. Elamin, 1981:95-202. Elamin,1981:95-202
This role is considered one of the most important stages of the prehistoric period due to the development that occurred during it in human material and spiritual life, as evidenced by archaeological discoveries over many years in Europe and the Near East. In these two regions in particular, cultural transformations occurred that affected all aspects of human economic, social, and intellectual life during this era, making it a base from which all the profound cultural developments that humanity accomplished at the end of prehistory began. The archaeological sites dating back to this period contain a wealth of distinguished stone tools, as well as bone tools, decorative tools, colorful wall paintings, and various engravings and sculptures. Man has been able to explore new geographical areas that have provided him with diverse food resources sufficient for a relatively increasing number of people.
The Near East was one of the first centers in which these new cultural features appeared, especially the Eastern Mediterranean and North Africa, around 42,000 BC. The first signs of change in the formation of stone tools appear when the technology of manufacturing blades and blades replaced the manufacture of fragments. This step begins with preparing a pyramidal core indirectly in a longitudinal direction to break the blade. In the late period, another technique appeared based on pressure using animal horns, which allowed a great deal of control over the work of the tools. Humans added new tools made of bone, ivory, and wood. This coincided with the spread of the human race known as Homo sapiens sapien (i.e., anatomically modern humans (Homo sapien sapien).
The Nile Valley, of course, was not far from the course of these developments. It, along with other regions of the ancient world, contributed greatly to enriching the human experience at that stage of the development of culture. Recent archaeological discoveries have shown the emergence of techniques for making tools from the Upper Paleolithic period in central Egypt, about 37,000 BC, in a manner different from what was previously known, which places this part of the Nile Valley in the ranks of Western Europe and North Africa. Those who excavated these sites indicated that they were unable to uncover evidence indicating the development of these modern technologies locally. Rather, they believe that their emergence was due to the arrival of cultural currents from outside the region, from the eastern Mediterranean or the African interior. There are sites where both Middle and Upper Paleolithic technologies were found together. In the past few years, the problem of the spread of Homo sapiens was raised, and its focus was the theory of the African cradle and its spread from this continent to the rest of the regions of the ancient world. The researchers proposed the idea of considering the Nile Valley as one of the natural crossings for the transmission of this breed of humans, especially after the discovery of a skeleton in one of the sites in the Sohag region, which was described as a type of Homo sapiens, Van Peer, 1998: 117, 130. Van Peer,1998:117, 130
It is noteworthy that human settlement tended to focus on the floodplain as time progressed during this era. This may have been due to the severe drought that struck the region and led to the displacement of desert groups to the Nile Valley region, as previously mentioned. The plains, such as Kom Ombo, Deshna, and the entrances to the large valleys, became densely populated areas. As for northern Sudan, few sites were found that carry the technology of producing blades and blades. In fact, nothing like it was discovered in central Sudan except what was in Khashm al-Girba on the Atbara River, where a number of late sites were found dating back to about 10,000 BC. That is, corresponding to the end of the Paleolithic Elamin 1987: 40-41.
The notable feature of the stone tool making traditions from Upper Egypt to Sudanese Nubia is the duality of using two different techniques for tool production. The first technique was used to make blades, thin blades, and other tools such as chisels, end scrapers, drills, and others. The second was the tradition that retained or modified the Levalloisian technique over time, but the emphasis remained on the use of fragments to make trimmed tools rather than blades. Surveys and archaeological excavations in the area extending from Aswan in the north to Sohag revealed many stone industries attributed to groups of hunters who lived during the period extending from 20,000 BC until the end of the Paleolithic Age. Although they lived in a single Nile environment, the material elements of their culture were different, which is why those who studied it preferred to give it different names, such as the cultures of Al-Fakhouri, Al-Sabil, Asna, Al-Silsilah, Afia, Al-Manshiya, and Al-Kabaniyya Wendorf and Schild, 1976:236; Wendorf and Schild,1989:800-818. Wendorf and Schild,1976:236
These groups made good use of local resources and focused on wild grains and stems of nutritionally useful plants, as indicated by stone grinding tools and the results of microscopic examination of blades and blades. The truest example of this intensive exploitation of wild grains and fish is found in Wadi Al-Kabaniyah, where it was possible to identify about twenty species of plants that were used for food. Most of them were tuber species available locally. Fishermen in these sites have managed the available natural resources in such a way that they remain in the area for most of the year. Archaeological data indicate that, despite the capabilities available to them, they were unable to move to the stage of food production by practicing agriculture directly Wendorf and Schild, 1989:95. Wendorf and Schild,1989:95
In Sudanese Nubia, archaeological excavation also revealed a large number of sites and their contents were classified from finds into a number of cultural traditions whose owners lived in that region sometimes contemporaneously or sometimes successively in time. Diversity is noted in the shapes of stone tools and their techniques, as is the case in Upper Egypt. Of the relatively early blade industries, one example of it was found near Wadi Halfa. It was called the Halfawi industry. It was identified in a limited number of sites not exceeding ten. Although the Halfawi industry contains a significant proportion of blades and their tools, it has retained the Levalois technique known in the tools of the Middle Paleolithic Age. For this reason, some believe that the method of making blades entered this region late, as it has no local origins, around 15,000 BC. Marks,1968c:458-460. As for other groups of traditions in the manufacture of stone tools, dating back to the late period, dwarf (microlithic) tools with geometric shapes - such as triangles, crescents, scrapes, and sharpened fragments - appeared. Among these late cultures, we mention what the industry of Jami, Ballana, and Abdelkader represents. By the ninth millennium BC. Until the appearance of pottery, the number of sites in Sudanese Nubia declined. This may be due to the frequent, strong river floods during this period, which may have negatively affected the usual Nile environment. Consequently, this led to the migration of part of the population to other regions.
Some societies in this era - after the end of the Ice Age - accomplished important innovations that had a far-reaching impact on shaping the future of human cultures. Archaeologists call it the “food production phase” or the “agricultural revolution” in reference to man’s ability to move from an acquisitive livelihood economy based on hunting, gathering, gathering, and a life of constant movement, to a productive livelihood economy based on agriculture and animal husbandry. Providing food was a decisive factor in settling the fishing groups in semi-permanent settlements first, then they turned into permanent villages through which new social, cultural and economic systems were formed. During this time, craft industries of all kinds developed to keep pace with the new patterns of living economy, and societies began to exchange materials and goods in an unusual way, which led to their growth. Among the human equipment used are polished stone tools and other things that suit the independence of the environment to provide food. It also enabled humans to make the pottery utensils necessary to preserve or prepare food. Not all of these cultural features appeared at one time or place, but there are areas of the ancient world that took precedence. In some regions of the Near East, most or all of these steps were achieved by about the eighth millennium BC. At the same time, at the very least, pottery was made in both central Sudan and the Sahara before humans were able to farm or domesticate animals. As for Egypt and northern Sudan, Neolithic cultures did not appear until between the seventh and fifth millennium BC. Almost, especially if we adopt the presence of most of its characteristics as a condition for the beginning of the stage. In the early Khartoum culture, pottery was made during the eighth millennium BC. At the very least, this was not accompanied by food production. We also find in southern Egypt semi-permanent settlements whose owners established them until the late Paleolithic period, such as Wadi al-Kabaniyah and the Napata Depression, but they did not achieve agriculture at that time.
Due to the early appearance of pottery in central Sudan, specifically in the site of early Khartoum, we will begin by describing the cultures of this period. It is worth noting here that modern research currently underway has revealed many important archaeological sites that contain abundant information that has changed many ancient concepts about this period. Therefore, this review will depend on selecting sites and materials of central importance as examples indicating the development of Neolithic culture in the Nile Valley. The early Khartoum site is one of the most important sites excavated by Anthony Arkell in the 1940s. It is known that the concepts and vision that Arkell developed for the development of Neolithic cultures became a reference for studies on this subject for a long time. Arkell described the site as a semi-permanent, large-scale settlement site built on the banks of the ancient river, where residents relied on hunting wild animals, fishing, and other amphibians, and added wild grains and natural fruits. The people of that culture formed their stone tools from small types such as crescents, scrapers, drills, and others. Their equipment also included bone hooks with teeth on one side and holes in one end. Related to fishing equipment are round stones used in fishing. The exploitation of wild grains is indicated by grinding stones and mortars.
The early inhabitants of Khartoum were able to make unglazed pottery decorated with continuous wavy lines and intermittent wavy or zigzag lines, in addition to other types of rough type devoid of decorative elements. Early Khartoum residents buried their dead inside the site, placing the dead person in a squatting position inside the pit. People at that time were not able to domesticate animals or practice agriculture. Arkell, 1949. Although it was not possible to obtain a confirmed date for the early Khartoum culture when the site was excavated, other sites that were later excavated and found Khartoum pottery could be dated to the eighth millennium BC. It was found that Khartoum pottery with its well-known decorations spread over a wide geographical area extending along the Nile Valley in the north to southern Egypt and in the Sahara Desert to Niger. Most researchers believe that this pottery first appeared in Khartoum and then spread through various means to these regions. Haaland, 1992:43-64. Arkell,1949Haaland,1992:43-64
According to Arkell, the development of the Khartoum civilization was completed at the important site of Al-Shehinab, which was excavated in the early 1950s. Al-Shehinab site, 50 km north of Khartoum, is considered a typical site for Neolithic cultures in the Central Nile Valley. Excavations revealed a relatively large settlement site on the western bank of the river, whose owners depended on hunting wild animals and fish for their food, and domesticated sheep, goats, and cows. Although they achieved this level of food security, no direct evidence of the practice of agriculture was discovered other than stone grinders that may have been used in processing wild grains. They made their tools from quartz and rhyolite, and they were mostly of the small type, such as crescents, drills, and scrapers, the most distinctive of which was the stone axe. As for Shehinab pottery, it was polished, varied in composition, and decorated with parallel incised, continuous, interrupted, or mesh incised lines. They also used bone to make tools, including hooks that were serrated on two sides. The Shehinab culture dates back to the beginning of the sixth millennium BC. Arkell believed that it was a natural development of the early Khartoum culture, and he cited what he found at the Al Quoz site, south of Khartoum, of a stratified succession of the remains of both cultures. Arkell, 1975:23. This opinion became accepted for a long time without any significant review until recent research came along that raised doubts about how to move to the Shehinab culture with its complete characteristics, as some of it may have been the result of influences that came from outside the region. The issue of its consequences after the last millennium of the prehistoric period was also raised Mohamed Ali, 1987: 123-136. Arkell,1975:23Mohamed Ali,1987:123-136
Whatever the sequence of Neolithic cultures and their origins, the ongoing research so far in the Nile Valley has revealed more important information required to know the economic, social, and intellectual lives of people at that time. A number of early Khartoum sites have been excavated, such as Al-Saqqa, Al-Sorurab, and Umm Marhi around the city of Khartoum, as well as in Al-Damer, Anibis, and Abu Darbin at the confluence of the Atbara River with the Nile River. Archaeological evidence indicates that most of these sites were small villages in which people lived permanently or semi-permanently, although they did not build houses with architectural features, but rather built huts made of wood sticks and hides, and relied for their food on hunting fish and wild animals. Fish bones found in abundance in these sites indicate that some of them are species that live in deep waters, while others are species that live in ponds and streams connected to the river. There are stone tools that were used to crush wild grains and other plant materials. These societies were also known for the formation of pottery vessels, which complemented the production tools in such a subsistence economy. Thus, the possibility of making bone hooks helped in intensive fishing operations, and with the presence of sufficient wild grains and the technology to process them, humans became a safe source of food with a degree of relative stability. This in turn led to a noticeable increase in the numbers of individuals in these residence sites, something that is indicated by the large number of sites. Some researchers believe that these conditions were a natural introduction to the emergence of agriculture, something that actually happened in the Shehinab culture, Haaland, 1992: 47-50. Haaland,1992:47-50
Sites of the Shehinab culture were discovered in large numbers in the Middle Nile Valley. Near Khartoum we find Al-Jili, Al-Zakiyab, Al-Kadru, and others. The materials discovered therein reflect the same characteristics known in the aforementioned typical site. Its inhabitants relied on land and water hunting, domesticated goats, cows, and sheep, and were able to grow local grains (corn). Their tools included bone hooks and polished tools, in addition to types with geometric shapes that were popular at that time. These achievements were achieved in the period from 4000 to 3000 BC. Some researchers believe that the idea of animal domestication was not a local achievement, but rather came to the Nile Valley from the Sahara Desert when drought waves increased at the time of the beginning of the emergence of these societies. It is also believed that the introduction of animals into the cycle of the livelihood economy in the Nile Valley led, over time, to a change in residence patterns, as small camps spread for people’s temporary residence, which is imposed by the state of movement with herds of livestock, and this is with the continued residence in large, semi-permanent sites. In the first type of site, it was found that its layers contain quantities of animal bones, while there is no evidence of exploitation of water resources such as fish. Over time, sectors of the region's population turned to specialized grazing and relied more and more on animal products, such as milk and blood. Pastoralism was known as a way of life in the desert before the beginning of the fifth millennium BC. It gained growing economic importance, and this craft may have moved to the Nile Valley, where historically a noticeable increase in the number of temporary grazing sites was observed at the expense of permanent residence sites Haaland, 1992: 55. Haaland,1992:55
The early sites of Khartoum or Al-Shehinab were not limited to the Middle Nile Valley, but were also found on the White Nile up to the city of Kosti in the south and in the Butana Plain and eastern Sudan. Perhaps the most noteworthy site in this regard is Shaq al-Dud Cave, which is located approximately 50 km east of Khartoum. Recently conducted studies have revealed the longest cultural sequence of the Neolithic period in the entire Nile Valley found in one place. The layers of rubble that were formed in front of the cave entrance are about three and a half meters high. Its oldest layer contains archaeological materials of types known from the mid-sixth millennium and mid-fifth millennium BC. The subsistence economy at that time was based on hunting and gathering. As for the upper layers, they contain materials similar to those of the Shehinab culture, with the presence of local pottery unknown in Nile sites. Likewise, the people here were not able to domesticate the animal as their contemporaries did in the Khartoum region. As for the layers of rubble inside the cave, a sequence of types of pottery was revealed, such as fine, polished black, decorated with continuous lines, along with other unpolished types. The results of excavations did not confirm a clear link between the contents of these layers and those located outside the cave. In the upper layers of the cave, types of pottery bearing decorations appearing in the region for the first time were found. Bones of domesticated animals such as cows and dogs were also found, but no evidence of knowledge of raising sheep or goats was found (Muhammad Ali, Abbas and Al-Amin, Youssef 1992:76-80). Muhammad Ali, Abbas and Al-Amin, Yusuf 1992:76-80
Neolithic sites were found in various places in northern Sudan, most of which are not dated with certainty, and the presence of organic materials that indicate the type of life there is rare. The most important of them was discovered in the area of the Second Cataract and dates back to different periods of that era, including the so-called Shamariqi industry, whose sites were found near Wadi Halfa and are dated to approximately 4,500 - 4000 BC. It contains little pottery, and there is no evidence of the practice of agriculture or animal husbandry. Among the groups that practiced food production were those represented by the Abka industry, which was famous for its red or brown colored pottery. It also contained types similar to Shehinab pottery. There are also a number of sites in the same area whose contents of pottery and other materials are called “local Shehinab culture.” Archaeological evidence generally indicates that these sites do not actually constitute large residential complexes, and it is also not known how they led to the so-called culture of the first group known for herding cows, which in Egypt corresponds to the pre-dynastic culture Trigger, 1982: 492-496. Trigger,1982:492-496
Talking about Neolithic cultures and the establishment of the food production stage in Egypt is of particular importance because it represents the cultural circumstance from which the oldest and greatest central state system in the Near East emerged in the late fourth millennium BC. (Noting that there is an opinion that states the precedence of the emergence of the state in Sumer on the Euphrates Island - Arkamani) Our information about the Neolithic period in Egypt was scarce and limited to the results of archaeological work conducted in limited sites. Today, abundant information has become available as a result of scientists’ interest in the importance of field research on the origin of ancient Egyptian civilization. Scientific reports are published successively on field work covering large areas of the Nile Valley in Egypt and in the Western Desert of Egypt, which added a new dimension in dealing with the issue of the origin of agriculture, and then the subsequent establishment of the central state. Today, many agree that the desert played a pivotal role in the development of the Nile Valley civilizations, just as Egypt received other influences from the eastern Mediterranean.
It was previously noted that recent archaeological discoveries in the valleys and depressions located at the edge of the desert clearly demonstrated the existence of societies that depended on wild grains for food and intensive hunting, which allowed them to establish semi-permanent residence sites. These experiences were a natural introduction to the transformational events in food production. In Wadi Al-Kabaniyah, a hundred kilometers west of Abu Simbel, some early Neolithic sites were dated to approximately 6850 and 6550 BC. More than forty species of plants were found, represented by grains such as corn, millet, legumes, walnuts, and other tuber species. Those who excavated these sites believe that plant-based food was developed locally in isolation from the experiences of domesticating wheat and barley in the Levant. In one of these sites, he uncovered the foundations of huts, pits for storing grain, and fire stoves. In another place, the remains of oval or circular houses were found, with pits and fire pits inside them. Evidence indicates the existence of semi-sedentary societies that achieved local agricultural production. Wendorf et al,1992:721-724. (See the research of Dr. Ahmed Elias in English published in this fifth issue) Dr.'s research view. Ahmed Elias in English published in this fifth issue
The importance of the desert also stems from the discovery of archaeological evidence for the domestication of cows around the seventh millennium BC. At the very least, some groups were able to make well-made decorated pottery, which is older than any other pottery found in the Nile Valley, except for early Khartoum pottery. Many researchers of the region's antiquities believe that the task of producing food in the desert was accomplished directly and perhaps quickly, and they attribute the direct cause to environmental changes and the availability of natural resources as well as the required technology (Wendorf and Schild, 1980: 278-279). Wendorf and Schild,1980:278-279
Examples of Neolithic settlement sites in central Egypt are what were revealed by the Caton-Thomson and Gardner excavations in the 1930s in the Fayoum Depression. They talked about the presence of two levels of the site's layers, the first of which (A) was described as dating back to the early Holocene era. Due to the pottery and other materials found there, it was described as an early Neolithic era. The second level (B) represents the culture of groups of hunters who have not yet been able to achieve the transition to the food production stage, and they are described as an isolated group. However, archaeological excavations conducted later revealed that an error had been made in interpreting the layers of ancient lake sediments. Therefore, the chronological order assumed by Catton-Thomson becomes incorrect. It also became clear that complete food production, represented by agriculture and animal domestication, suddenly appeared in Fayoum and also at the Marmida site, towards the end of the sixth millennium and the beginning of the fifth millennium BC. Wendorf and Schild,1976; 1980:279. During this same period, the Eastern Desert witnessed a severe drought, which is believed to have been the direct cause of the exodus of groups familiar with food production from the desert towards the Nile Valley (Mohamed Ali, 2003: 22). Returning to the sites of Neolithic settlements in Fayoum (5200-4000 BC), we find that they were established near the shores of the lake, where their inhabitants built reed huts and dug underground storerooms in the elevated parts. The remains of domesticated wheat, barley, and wheat were found in these warehouses. Among the bones of domesticated animals are sheep and goats, in addition to some wild species such as elephants, crocodiles, and seahorses. They also added to the list of food supplies the fish available in the lake, along with other natural plant materials, which provided a diverse food base. The tools discovered include heads, arrows, bone hooks, stone-shaped sickles, paper-shaped tools, axes, pointed heads, and other polished tools. Among their crafts are also the baskets with which they cover grain storage pits. As for Fayoum pottery, it was made from rough clay and contained polished vessels of various shapes with flat or circular bases. The pottery reflects advanced technology that Arkell believes arrived in Egypt from outside, perhaps Palestine. He supports his opinion by pointing to the presence of hollow axes and polished ones among the discovered tools. Some also pointed out that the qualitative and technical differences between the waste dating back to the end of the Upper Paleolithic (Fayoum B) and the waste (Fayoum A) are very large, which makes the possibility of local development impossible. Trigger, 1982:494. Muhammad Ali,Trigger,1982:494
The absence of architectural buildings in Fayoum gives the impression that the permanent residence has not yet been completed, despite the presence of the burial mounds in which grains are preserved, along with other archaeological evidence indicating the size of the residence and the accumulation of finds therein.
The Marmida Beni Salama site is early evidence of complete sedentary life in the villages on the banks of the Nile Valley. It is a large residential site with an area of approximately 18,000 square metres, and contains residential layer fill approximately two meters thick. The site dates to the period between 5200 and 3500 BC. It was noted that Mermaida pottery and stone tools are very similar to what was found in Fayoum. The difference is that Mermaid pottery has more elaborate and beautiful decorations. Residence in the village began with the construction of scattered huts, then the population density increased in the upper classes, where we find the construction of huts with walls at a suitable height above the ground. These architectural units appear to be small in size, perhaps sufficient for one person. They are built in groups and have grain stores attached to them, which are large jars or baskets buried under the surface. The residents of Marmida buried their dead inside the site of the settlement, which was estimated to number in the thousands. Trigger, 1982:501. Trigger,1982:501
Among the residence sites worth mentioning are those attributed to the Al-Omari culture, including a number of sites and cemeteries spread between Cairo and Helwan. The constructed buildings, and the amount of objects contained in the layers of rubble, reflect the residence of a long period, estimated at between 4200 and 4000 BC. As for the south of the Delta and central Egypt, archaeologists have described a number of cultures of the late stage of the Neolithic Age, which they called “pre-dynastic cultures,” the most famous of which are the Badari, Naqada I, and Naqada II. The owners of these cultures were able to exploit minerals for the first time, and then their culture was classified in the cultural phase called the Neolithic-Metallic (Chalcolite) era, and their societies developed to unprecedented economic, social, and artistic levels. On the other hand, it represents the logical premise for the emergence of the ancient Egyptian state, although many say that groups of desert inhabitants infiltrated, and their mixing with the Nile population led to cultural interactions that resulted in the establishment of the ancient state. Whatever the case, the people of Badari left a material heritage that reflects the richness of their artistic and economic level. Polished pottery is considered one of the most beautiful known in Egypt, and contains fine types decorated with wonderful floral patterns. Utensils include plates, thin cups, pots, etc. The residents of Badari buried the dead in graves for which spaces were allocated outside the residence site, and they placed some tools and pieces of art with the dead. They also designated graves to bury animals, which they treated in a way that suggested specific spiritual beliefs. Among their crafts were discovered beautiful pots, stone tools, baskets, mats, leather clothes, and blankets, which indicates the spread of weaving technology. Among the striking elements of their culture are the artistic possibilities reflected in small human statues, and beautiful crafts such as combs and spoons decorated with carved animal shapes, in addition to beads, copper bracelets, and ivory artifacts.
Our description of prehistoric cultures in the Nile Valley focused on patterns of residence, climate conditions, exploitation of natural resources, and the stone tools, pottery, and other artifacts that people produced to help them in their daily lives. In other regions of the ancient world, such as Europe, the Sahara, or South Africa, for example, primitive art in its various expressions constitutes an important part of the material heritage that adds important information about the life of prehistoric societies. As for the Nile Valley, the rock arts spread along the valley have not received their share of detailed study, and this may be due to more than one reason, the first of which is their relative modernity, as nothing of them has been discovered on the level of antiquity of European or Sahara art. In addition, it is difficult to date what was found and link it to archaeological sites in the region. The date of the oldest examples of rock paintings in northern Sudan is estimated to be between 9000 and 7000 BC. Davis,1984:87.
One of the most famous sites for collecting rock paintings is what was discovered in Sudanese Nubia near the village of Abka, where stone industries dating back to the late Paleolithic and early modern times were also found. The hundreds of drawings were executed on the surfaces of rocks spread over a wide area, and their main subject was drawing individual animals, as there was no attempt to draw a complete scene. Frequent animals include deer, elephant, giraffe, seahorse, zebra and others. Also noteworthy are the drawings of individuals carrying bows and heads used in hunting. There are also abstract signs whose meaning is not known within the drawings on this site Adams, 1977:116. Adams,1977:116
The relative smallness of the achievements in the fields of rock arts in the Nile Valley does not obscure anything of what the Nile Valley man achieved during the Stone Ages in their various stages. What we mentioned about the richness of the material elements in the Badari culture and other pre-dynastic cultures reached a high degree of complexity and distinguished cultural achievement. This was a natural result of the experiences of fishing communities in the region throughout the ages. These developments in the Badari community led to profound transformations in the relationships of individuals and population groups along the Nile Valley and in the organization of economic, social, religious and intellectual life. Some of these societies expanded in size, in their natural and productive wealth, and in various aspects of life, which ultimately led to the emergence of systems and a network of relationships that managed the affairs of individuals and society, which resulted in the emergence of the central state in the late fourth millennium BC.
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Eastern Sudan: The Gash Delta in prehistory