Rome and Meroe at the Boston Museum of Fine Arts
Lindsay Allason-Jones
It can be said that modern organized archeology began in Nubia with the work of Dr. George Reisner. Under the auspices of the Harvard-Boston Expedition, this work began in 1905 and continued until Reisner's death in 1942. The results of the excavations were published by the Boston Museum of Fine Arts under the supervision of Dows Dunham between 1950 and 1982.
Then, as is the case today, materials discovered in Sudan were divided between the excavating institution and the Sudanese Antiquities Service, which is why there are many Sudanese antiquities here in Boston. The goal of this paper is to provide an opportunity for the conferees to further learn about artifacts dating back to the Meroitic period from sources within the Roman Empire that are currently in the Boston Museum of Fine Arts’ storage or in the gallery and which can be compared with materials being studied as part of the Roman artifacts project at the Sudan National Museum.
The Boston Museum of Fine Arts possesses a number of volumes that represent diaries of Reisner's excavations. These notebooks are kept annually as a record of each season and are usually under the charge of a student recruited from Boston. These notebooks not only provide a link to the day-to-day work of excavations, allowing current researchers to accurately reconstruct the provenance and circumstances of discovery for individual artefacts, but they also provide insight into the logistics of excavation in Sudan in the early years of the twentieth century.
Egyptian pottery discovered in ancient and medieval Kerma burials in Kerma
Janine Bourriau
The paper is based on a study conducted by the researcher of the totality of the vessels and sherds of Egyptian pottery discovered during the excavations of the ancient and classical Kerma tombs in Kerma, which was conducted under the supervision of Charles Bonnet.
Pottery can provide evidence that contributes to determining the history of individual cemeteries and to the relative history of different areas of cemeteries. It is also possible to refer in general to the place in Egypt from which these manufactures were imported.
This new evidence sheds light on the changing patterns of contact and exchange between Egypt and Nubia during this extended period, from the Old Kingdom until the beginning of the Second Intermediate Period.
Thanks are due to Beatrice Privati and Charles Bonnet for inviting the researcher to study these materials, and to William Schenck, who inked the pencil drawings and made new drawings for this paper.
Rome and Kush: a new interpretation
Stanley M. Burstien
The interaction between Nubia and Egypt is one of the fundamental themes of Nubian history. These relations were not as close as they were during the period between the Roman invasion of Egypt in 30 BC. The middle of the third century AD. The result is the emergence of a situation that is almost unique in the history of Roman borders: a relationship that lasted over three centuries and was characterized by an implicit acceptance on the part of Rome of the independence of another civilized state.
Despite their excitement and importance, studies on the relations between Roman Egypt and Meroe in the first three centuries AD remain scarce and outdated. The cultural aspects of the relationship received the greatest limited attention from scholars who dealt with the subject, with a focus on identifying evidence of the growing Greek cultural influence on Nubia. Relatively little attention was directed to the nature of the Roman presence in Lower Nubia.
The Roman presence in Lower Nubia lasted from the twenties BC until the middle of the third century AD, when a factor led to an internal revolution in Egypt, in addition to Meroë’s insistence on a temporary occupation of Lower Nubia by Meroë. The traditional (orthodox) point of view in modern research insists on the assumption that the relations between Rome and Kush were determined by the “Samos Agreement” concluded between Augustus and Meroe in the year 20 BC. In which Rome recognized the independence of the Kushites. This paper argues that this conclusion is wrong and that the “Convention of Samos” is merely a myth created by scholars that obscures the nature of Roman policy in Lower Nubia and the narrative response to it.
A new take on cylindrical columns from Nuri, Sudan
Susanne Gänsicke
Among the finds of George Reisner's excavations at Nuri were twenty-six cylindrical pieces decorated with precious metal, which were shared between the Sudan National Museum in Khartoum and the Boston Museum of Fine Arts. These pieces, which were found in royal tombs dating back to the period extending from the seventh to the fourth century BC, are like small hollow tubes, sealed at the bottom, open at the top, and decorated on the outside with images of gods and religious icons. Because it is unique to the culture of the Napata era, it received the name “cylindrical sheaths.” Made of gold or silver plated with gold, and decorated with embroidery, granulation, and even lining of semi-precious stones, they are very similar in size and shape, but very different in terms of quality, technique, and decoration. The paper presents the most up-to-date conclusions about the origin, meaning, and function of these objects through a re-study of the art conducted in 1997 at the Boston Museum of Fine Arts by the researcher. The researcher is indebted to Dr. Timothy Kendall for his help in interpreting its iconographic details.
Beyond Napata: Pre-historic evidence in the Napata region
Elena Garcia Elena A.A. Garcia
The approved area for Cassino University extends over 20 kilometers of land adjacent to the Nile between Karima and Magashi, on the western bank of the river, south of the Fourth Cataract. The point of interest for the research project, supervised by Irene Vincentelli, centered on the era of Napata. However, a comprehensive surface survey of the area revealed a number of finds dating back to before and after the era of Napata.
The present paper will take into account the pre-historic evidence in the area. A number of pre-historic materials have been recorded and mapped, dating from the Acheulian period to the late Neolithic period. Among them, two sites: Awain Shami and Jabal Rifa'ah showed some degree of conservatism. They were located near the plant site in Al-Kurru. Al-Luqiya indicated that the two sites indicate a residence site dating back to the Late Stone Age, based on the base of seasonal camps distributed along the Nile Valley. Both sites contained flint tools with tools made of different materials.
Regular surface assembly operations were carried out at the two sites, and all industrial materials were studied and classified. It will be presented at the conference. An approach will also be conducted between the two sites.
The evidence from Awin Shami and Jebel Rifa'a has proven to be of particular interest for at least two reasons. First and foremost, the two sites constituted places of stable residence. The latter are usually scarce in the Late Stone Age, an era known primarily through its cemeteries. Secondly, since the two sites were dated to the fifth millennium AD, that is, the third millennium BC. They provided indications of the possibility of relations between the lower Nile Valley and East Africa through Nubia during that period. Possibly, the two sites served as season camps used by nomadic pastoralists who controlled large parts of Nubia and may have engaged in extensive trade in the region.
Another interesting piece of evidence is the prehistoric location of the two sites. The area remains well known for its historical remains, but is poorly known for earlier material. The Late Neolithic, in particular, is only known to exist further south in the Dongola region, while early Khartoum material has been uncovered at Jebel Barkal. No evidence of early Khartoum has been uncovered in the license area.
Former Kerma storage pits on Sai Island
Francis Geus
During the 1996-1997 season on Sai Island, the French archaeological mission discovered and excavated a new site, which according to radiocarbon analysis dated 14 to approximately 2700 BC, a time period that is not well documented such that archaeologists usually call it “pre-Kerma.”
Limited excavations conducted in February 1996 revealed the presence of storage pits containing pottery sherds, flint tools, beads from ostrich eggs, animal bones, charcoal, and - what is surprising - minute plant remains. The view is of circular pit compounds covered with blocks of schist stone glued together with clay. Some of them were found in their natural condition without their original covers having been touched, but in most cases, they were filled with sediment. In some cases, large storage jars were used inside the pits, but so far none of them have been discovered in their natural condition.
The site's pottery includes large quantities of sherds belonging to red, brown, black, and red jars with a black neck, which were of various sizes, including wavy, grooved, and compressed types, which indicate a transitional stage between the Neolithic traditions and the Kerma traditions. A few of the sherds belong to jars imported from Egypt, a fact of great importance, as they are the oldest goods of Egyptian origin that were found in their original position in situ to the south of the belly of the stone.
The plant remains included leaves, thorns, and seeds that looked so fresh that they were initially thought to be aliens. Thanks to the collaboration of Katharina Neuman (from Frankfurt) and Barbara Zach (from Cologne), all samples collected so far, including charred materials, are in the process of being identified. The first results indicate the presence of wheat, Triticum dicoccon, barley, and acacia.
Wlodzimiersz Godlewski
The history of Makuria, one of the most powerful kingdoms in medieval Africa, has remained largely neglected; The early period of the queen is quite obscure. The lack of historical sources and the scarcity of archaeological research in the area between the third and fourth waterfalls led us in the past to detail some discoveries. What is more difficult is to create from these random discoveries a comprehensive picture of events and a historical narrative.
Using the archaeological evidence from Dongola and discussing some well-known sources, this paper will attempt, from a new approach, to reconstruct the historical situation in Makuria between the end of the fifth century and the end of the eighth century: the beginning of the kingdom with its capital in Dongola, the Christianization of Makuria, the rivalry with Nobadia and the subjugation of the northern kingdom, the successful war with the Arabs and the completion of the Boqt Treaty, the organizational situation of the church in Makuria and the imperial policy of Kings Mercurius and Cyriacus in the eighth century, when it was completed. Makuria mostly united all Nubia.
Administrative practices and the movement of goods between Egypt and Kush according to seals during the Middle Kingdom of Egypt and the Second Intermediate Period. Administrative practices and the movement of goods between Egypt and Kush based on seals during the Middle Kingdom and the Second Intermediate Period.
Brigitte Gratien
The various excavations conducted in Egyptian castles in Nubia led to the discovery of thousands of seal impressions dating from the period extending from the Twelfth to the Eighteenth Dynasty, which belong to different types: royal seals, seals of institutions or their local counterparts, seals of civil servants, and private seals. In addition, the archaeological analysis of the buildings allowed to reveal and determine the function of a number of architectural components and to clarify the functional role of the local administration, as evidenced by many recent studies.
Studying the reverse side of seal impressions indicates the material to which the seal was attached: such as papyrus; Many of these documents show direct connections with the capital of Egypt, especially with the vizier's office in Thebes, or also the connections between the Nubian centers among themselves. Seals attached to the doorposts of buildings are also frequent, either on the main gate of the castle or on the doors of private residences. However, the majority of seals were stuck to containers, whether wooden or leather, and to baskets, which confirms the movement of goods and trade relations between the various Nubian centers themselves, in addition to the Egyptian capital.
Excavations currently underway by the University of Geneva mission in Kerma have resulted in the discovery of new seals, which, in addition to Reisner's findings, shed new light on the evolving relations between the two countries.
Most of the seals and impressions that Reisner discovered, mainly in storerooms and structures in the area surrounding the western tambourine, or in the cemeteries adjacent to Temple KXI and in burial chariots KIII, KIV, KX, and XVIII, are stylistically dated to the Second Intermediate Phase. The documents uncovered by the University of Geneva mission come either from the river port area (the end of the Middle Kingdom and the Second Intermediate Period), or from the city, buildings, and pit deposits from the Middle or Classic Kerma phase (which dates back to Dynasties 12-15).
These belong to two main types that correspond to two completely different origins:
- Home-made seals, made of ivory, bone or clay (flat or scarab-shaped), engraved with geometric decorative patterns, mainly reticle and designs based on engraved triangles, and seal impressions. Since these date back to Classical/Second Intermediate Kerma, they support the existence of waad registration procedures, as evidenced by the identification of seals of administrative offices in the palace and near the city gates.
- Egyptian-made seals, identical to those discovered in Nubian sites, dating back to the second half of the Middle Kingdom and showing protective signs, floral or spiral designs, and titles and/or names of some junior officials (smsw, sэb iry Nhn, smsw hryt, iry htm), or those with high positions in government such as the deputy governor or the royal envoy.
A third group dates back to the Second Intermediate Period and includes seals covered with engravings of relative animals or royal figures, or also royal names dating back to the Fifteenth Dynasty, or again expressions characteristic of that period.
In addition, since these relics are completely distinct from Kerma, we can identify, at least among the finds in the Mirgesa/Aiken Castle, more than twenty Kerma seals from the Second Intermediate Period bearing grid designs and inscribed triangles.
These facts shed light on the relationship between Egypt and Kush, starting with the occupation of Lower Nubia by the Pharaoh’s army during the Twelfth Dynasty and beyond, in both directions, from Egypt to Kush and from Kush to the north as well. Recent excavations indicate the high population density to the south of Kerma (Wadi al-Khoei, the Titi Basin...) in addition to the importance of the underlying economic resources and their diversity in the Kingdom of Kush, thanks to the tangible development of agriculture and pastoralism in the region, all of this in addition to Resources arising from the role played by Kush as a mediator between Egypt and Africa. Economic exchange operations with Egypt took place throughout the Middle Kingdom period = the Middle Kerma stage. During the Second Intermediate Period, the closest connections seem to have been with the Hyksos kings, thus confirming the Kamos stele, since a number of royal cartouches have been identified in the Nubian capital.
It will therefore be possible to say that the goods, treasures, stores, and other storage capabilities in the Egyptian castles and their surroundings did not depend only on the quantity of goods imported from Egypt, but were also imposed by the intensity of exchanges with the country of Kush.
Inscriptions of structures in the pyramids of Meroe
Jochen Hallof
The inscriptions with hieroglyphic and Meroitic symbols form an integral part in the decoration of the pyramid structures of the royal cemeteries of the Meroitic Kingdom in Barkal and Meroë. As part of the publication of the pyramids and pyramid structures of this period within the framework of the project “The Burials of Kush” [the team consists of F. W. Henkel, engineer, and J. Yellin, a text specialist] Planning is underway to arrange, edit and translate all the inscriptions on the pyramid structures.
The engraved texts differ significantly in their nature and quality. In most cases, it is easy to read the names of the gods written in hieroglyphs above and next to the figures depicted. The same can be said about the titles of sacrificial scenes, where one can find good analogues in contemporary Egyptian inscriptions of the Greco-Roman period. However, the records remain vague and fragmentary. In this type of inscription, one can notice among the Egyptian hieroglyphs the presence of hieroglyphs of the Meroitic script. The reasons for this kind of confusion are ambiguous and unclear - possibly indicating a low knowledge of Egyptian script and the Egyptian language. Unfortunately, the inscriptions are often in poor condition and difficult to read.
Reports, drawings, and photographs of travelers of the past century provide valuable assistance in reconstructing texts. The most important sources of all are embodied in the three hundred paper cuttings of these engravings, which were executed by Carl Richard Lepsius and Henri Breasted (?) and are stored in the archives of the German Academy of Sciences in Berlin (Berlin-Brandenburgische Akademie der Wissenschaften), which allow for the reconstruction of some symbols, individual parts, and in some cases entire texts, which were destroyed in the period following the process of erasing them.
Matthieu Honegger
The residence site, which dates back to the pre-Kerma era, is located below the center of the cemetery of the ancient city of Kerma. It was revealed by Charles Junet in 1986, who then proposed identifying it with the pre-Kerma culture, a definition based on pottery samples discovered in more than a hundred storage pits. The excavations covered an area of one thousand square meters and revealed a series of huts that varied in diameter, in addition to rectangular buildings.
New excavations carried out between 1995 and 1998 extended the studies and provided a new vision of the site. A storage area consisting of approximately 500 pits was identified. These cavities were not all in a good state of preservation. Some of them had been destroyed by the construction of tombs dating back to the Kerma era. Near this collective storage area, several types of structures have been identified by excavating shafts. The majority of them correspond to circular structures with diameters ranging from one meter to six metres. 49 of these facilities have been identified. The larger ones correspond to houses, while the smaller ones can consist of erected columns associated with each hut. Three rectangular buildings were also constructed of wooden columns. One of them was rebuilt three times in exactly the same place. This indicates the importance attached to this building, which undoubtedly had a function that distinguished it from huts. Extending the excavations to the farthest part of the site led to the discovery of numerous enclosures of enormous and complex sizes. The huge defensive structures remind one of similar forts that were excavated on the site of the ancient city of Kerma. The study of a large part of the cemetery, in addition to the topographical survey of the area surrounding the excavation site, indicates the presence of a known extension of residence in the pre-Kerma era. The material discovered at archaeological levels, but mainly in storage pits, included pottery, crushed stones, and grinding stones in addition to some forms of human or animal deities. The pottery is represented in many complete forms and hundreds of sherds, which allow for an accurate identification of pre-Kerma with its contemporary and more recent cultural counterparts. Pre-Kerma pottery shows similarities with some artifacts from the Late Group I culture. A number of sherds made of Baiji clay, undecorated or decorated with red-colored themes, resemble artifacts made from ostrich eggs. Other features include black-necked pottery and pottery characterized by a narrow base, in cases of flat-bottomed pottery. Although jars with wavy decoration are more frequent, this decoration is generally limited to a band located below the rim. There are many similarities with Kerma pottery, as reflected in the identical surface shapes and treatment in the two cultures. So far, not a single sherd of pottery imported from Egypt has been discovered.
The cultural similarities mentioned above allow us to locate the pre-Kerma culture in the first half of the third millennium BC, possibly shortly before ancient Kerma. Ongoing radiocarbon dating should confirm these estimates. The questions raised by the pre-Kerma sites include speculation about the origin of the Kerma kingdom and the actual existence of a first form of centralized political structure.
Current field studies in the areas of the mouth of Wadi Hawar, northern Sudan
Birgit Keding
Wadi Howar, which currently marks the border between arid desert and grassy savannah, represents one of the longest dry river systems in the eastern desert, extending to more than a thousand kilometers. The Howar Valley, which flows from the eastern Chad region in an east-northeast direction, meets the Nile off Dongola, thus linking inland Africa with the Nile Valley during the early Holocene.
The special importance of Wadi Hawar as an ecologically favorable area and as a communication route in ancient times is recorded by the dense dispersion of sites on its edges, all of which are tentatively dated to the period between the sixth and first millennium BC.
The paper focuses on the relationships between the inhabitants of the different sections of Wadi Hawar and the surrounding areas in this period. Field work in January/February 1998 in Erg Ennedi, a former lake area to the northwest of the central Wadi Hawar, and the Tagro Mountains to the south of Wadi Hawar, provided evidence of extensive contacts between these areas. In different ecological zones, shifts in use and population also seem to be reflected in the archaeological record.
Regarding the middle and late Holocene phases, population shifts in these areas show an increasing concentration in the central Wadi Hawar region, which appears to have resulted from increasingly dry conditions. This development raises questions about changing environments and human responses.
About the origin of the worship of Amun in Nubia and its development
Eleonora Kormysheva Eleonora Kormysheva
The discussion will focus on two topics: the origin of the human-like and ram-headed forms of Amun in Nubian temples, and the basic features of the cult of Amun in the Kingdom of Meroe as a result of the development of this cult.
A- Amon who resembles a human
The human representation of Amun preserved in Kushite antiquities until the end of the Kingdom of Meroe was the result of borrowing this form from Theban iconography. The introduction of this image was a result of Egyptian domination over Kush in the New Kingdom. Maintaining this image, even in late Meroitic icons, can be explained by religious mentality and conservative traditions.
It can be emphasized that the human-like image of Amun with specific Napatan characteristics, such as Amun of Nabata or Amun of the Holy Mountain, was given in a purely Egyptian form. These images confirm that the Egyptians wanted to create in Kush (especially in Jebel Barkal) the worship of the spirit (Ka) of Amun of Thebes, and that they considered Amun of Nabta one of the forms of worship of Amun as the state god in Egypt.
B- The iconic appearance of the brachial-headed Amun appears to be linked to Nubia. Its roots can be clearly traced in desert rock paintings. However, the most important problems are related to the appearance of the ram-headed Amun in the icons of the official temple, which had to reflect the official introduction of such an image into the theological state system. Based on this point of view, representations of the brachial-headed Amun with the sun disk and the uraeus on the head, as is the case at Abu Simbel, must be discussed in particular. Similar figures are found in a niche. This image later became one of the possible representations of Amun in ancient Sudanese temples.
The fact that Amun was considered in Nubia to be the ka (spirit) of Amun in Thebes supports the idea that his worship was a logical continuation of the worship of Amun in Egypt. However, in Egypt before the Eighteenth Dynasty, Amun was associated with the goose or the serpent, but never with the ram. The discovery in the Kerma tombs of offerings of lambs, ewes, and rams crowned with spherical motifs or ostrich feathers began to indicate that these animals may have inspired the new form of Amun. These facts indicate that some form of Egyptian interpretation began shortly after the establishment of established links between Egypt and Kush, and was strengthened and resulted, especially in the depiction of Amun with the head of a ram.
Taking into account that before the Egyptian occupation, a local ram cult existed in Nubia (especially in Kerma), it is permissible to assume that the reason for the appearance of the ram-headed Amun lies in the merging of the worship of major gods, specifically the gods of Egypt and Kush. This merging could have taken place through associative thinking: that is, through the ram’s relationship with water and the sun, which does not contradict the basic principles of the Egyptian religious-philosophical structure regarding Amun. This process of compromise could have been more or less long-term and led to the creation of new forms of Amun. With his appearance in official icons since the Ramessides, Amun became one of the representations of Amun in both Kush and Egypt.
C- The development of the worship of Amun
After his introduction into Nubia, Amun acquired new features that were not known before. In Abu Simbel, one can notice a huge uraeus in front of Amun, which was never observed in Egypt. The huge uraeus became a distinctive Nubian feature of Amun. It grew to become part of a special symbol representing the sacred mountain and its peak. Many other special forms were created in Nubia, as we will explain.
Two basic images of Amun - the human likeness and the ram's head - run throughout the ancient history of Sudanese civilization. Amun, the head of the sheep, was considered a local deity. While the human-like Amun acquired Egyptian characteristics. Two images that are distinguished theologically.
The worship of Amun in Nubia was developed by borrowing many ideas and iconographic features from Egyptian theology. However, with the passage of time, the Egyptian origin of Amun was forgotten, many of his Egyptian forms disappeared, and many new iconic images were created in the ancient Sudanese temples and environment.
The strong similarity between the images of Amun in Egypt and Nubia was a reason for mutual influence and mutual substitution coming from both sides. Amun the Kushite had an influence on the worship of Amun in Egypt. The new creation made it possible to install a new mythological system that reflected the development trends of the old Sudanese state.
Temples and cults in Kush in the New Kingdom era Temples and worship in Kush in the New Kingdom era
Robert Morkot
This paper discusses a number of topics related to religion in Nubia in the New Kingdom era. Nubian temples have been frequently referred to in discussions of king worship in the New Kingdom, but generally (and legitimately) as providing material for broader reflections on the subject. The development of king worship and accompanying deities in Nubia was not a Darwinian development in a straight line. It was a series of responses to time and place also linked to developments within Egypt itself. Different phases can be identified as follows:
Phase 1: Kamos - Amenhotep I
A - Reoccupation of Lower Nubia - construction of structures dedicated to the local gods of Horus in castles
B- Expansion southward beyond the second cataract and creating a new deity, Horse, the master of Nubia
Phase 2: The joint rule of Thutmose III and Hatshepsut, the sole rule of Thutmose III, and the rule of Amenhotep II
A- New temples inside and outside the castles and the introduction of the double temple of Amun-Ra and Ra-Harakhty
B- Merging the Horse of the Lord of Nubia with Amun-Ra - the Horse of the Bull.
Phase 3: Amenhotep III and Tutankhamun
A - The cult of the “living image of Nebmatra” along with the crucifixion cult of Amun with specific lunar and flood associations, and the similar cult of Tutankhamun in Persia.
Phase 4: Ayya and Horemheb
A- Creating a new Horse cult: Horse Maha
Phase 5: Seti I and the early period of the reign of Ramesses II
A- The cult of a king was determined against Amenhotep III in Aksha and Amara.
Phase 6: The late period of the reign of Ramesses II
A- The worship of the king alongside the official state trilogy of Amun-Ra, Ra-Harakhty, and Ptah-Tatginan. The spread of sacred forms of the ruler.
When contemplating the Nubian temples of the New Kingdom era and the deities depicted on their walls, a series of questions arise:
1. Does the presence of an Egyptian style of temple always indicate Egyptian “colonial” stability?
2. Were local religious forms incorporated or were they completely neglected by the viceroy's administration? It has generally been assumed that the Egyptians neglected local religious forms in Nubia, although the Egyptians in Western Asia did incorporate local deities, especially Hathor (Our Lady of Byblos). Nubian local deities, for example, are attested from time to time, and there is a clear adoption of local deities such as Isis, the scorpion, and the Green Horse (Buhin). The effect appears to have been limited. However, if we count the Asadian worship of Amenhotep III as an adoption of the Kushite cult (possibly from Kerma in particular)? There are strong similarities between Amun Amenhotep in the crucifixion and Abademek, but can this be considered an “inheritance,” a “return to the ancients,” or a coincidence? Apadmak
Our knowledge of local religious forms in Nubia is still limited. The Horse gods of Nubia are generally assumed to have been created by the Middle Kingdom, but it is unclear whether any of the Nubian deities were absorbed. In the New Kingdom, the Horse gods were associated with the three regions of Lower Nubia: Baki, Miam, and Buhen. By the Ramesside period, it had been worshiped in the form of a trilogy, similar to the Egyptian state trilogy of Amun-Ra, Ra-Harakhty, and Ptah-Tatginan. With the expansion southward beyond the Second Cataract in the early Eighteenth Dynasty, Horse, lord of Nubia, was created, but he was merged with Amun-Ra in the middle of the Eighteenth Dynasty. In the late Eighteenth Dynasty and the Nineteenth Dynasty, Amun-Ra was considered a major deity in Nubia, south of the Second Cataract. See Medinet Habu, the roof of the rim, where the gods of Egypt are depicted, starting with Amun, followed by the gods of Horse in Nubia.
3- Did the function of king worship, which is one of the prevailing religious forms, differ in Nubia from that in Egypt?
4- What is the role of local elites in the religious hierarchy in Nubia?
5- What is the religious legacy of the New Kingdom that remained in the Kushite state? The worship of Amun in Jebel Barkal was usually considered the engine of the legacy of the worship of Amun in relation to the late Kingdom of Kush, Napata-Meroë. There was an emphasis on temples as "sister shrines" to the shrines of Thebes (similar to Christian monasteries) receiving cultic teachings and priests from holy sites during the New Kingdom-Napata divide. There is no evidence to confirm this. The most important New Kingdom edifice at Jebel Barkal is the Temple of Seti I-Ramesses II, which can be generally compared to the edifices of Lower Nubia, such as Jurf Hussein. There is no clear textual evidence that Amun is inside a mountain in Abu Simbel that represents Jebel Barkal. Amun of Nabti is mentioned in the birth house in Abu Simbel. However, there is no evidence indicating either inheritance or renewal in the Nabatean era.
The Karimala inscription attributes some of Kush's misfortune to lapses in the cult of Amun, which were restored to interest by an (unnamed) king. If any "legacy" of the cult of Amun remains after the New Kingdom, it is most likely the survival of a niche as a centre. Taharqa inscriptions from Kawa record King Ara's dedication to Amun Kawa. Massive construction work at Barkal begins during the reign of Piya (or Kashta). He built a taharqa in a niche, a tahbala in a tabu, and an idol. An idol temple dedicated to Amun-Ra the Bull, lord of Nubia, in his later form.
The first Nubian group: awareness of the social landscape
Hans Åke Nordström
Cemeteries of the first Nubian group recorded between the first and second Nile waterfalls, dated 3500-2900 BC. It provided important, rich and diverse source material for funerary offerings. This paper serves as an initial report that provides a qualitative and quantitative ranking of a large number of Group I burials in Lower Nubia (with the exception of the Qastal graves).
The hierarchy was based on the combination of a number of finds and a number of different types of finds. The analysis was conducted in three stages. The first stage is a case study of one of the best-documented cemeteries in Lower Nubia, No. 277 from the work of the Joint Scandinavian Expedition, located near Wadi Halfa. The second stage tests most of the cemeteries published so far, with an emphasis on the cemeteries that belong to the classical and final stages of the first group, while the third stage attempts to determine the hierarchy of the cemeteries themselves.
In this content, the term social landscape refers to the relationships and patterns regarding age, gender, and social organization that can be perceived in cemeteries, regions, and chronological phases throughout Lower Nubia. The results show that the culture of the first group eventually developed a clear and mature social structure, probably organized around a female core with strong matriarchal traditions, in which men occupied a different social sphere with their own privileged rituals. The consistent pattern of ordinary village cemeteries was mainly characterized by an increasing abundance of female burials.
As in pre-dynastic Egypt, a transition is observed from a previous, unified society towards a more complex structure with clear social inequality that developed during the final stage of the first group at a time coinciding with the emergence of the First Dynasty in Egypt around 3000 BC. . The material also reveals a clear spatial pattern of a number of relatively rich cemeteries with elite burials, possibly reflecting the political structure developed before and during the rise of the Qastal complex in the southern part of Lower Nubia.
The Nubian Neolithic in the Third Cataract: funerary customs and social structures
Jacques Reinold
Wadi Al-Khawi, south of the Third Cataract, is an ancient basin of the Nile, running about 123 kilometers east of the current course of the Nile. Since the sixth millennium AD, this valley has formed a rich agricultural basin, which encouraged the emergence of many Neolithic communities. The French unit of the General Directorate of Antiquities and National Museums of Sudan has been studying this area since 1986. Some thirty sites have been registered; Almost half of them represent cemeteries. In most cases the settlement sites disappeared completely due to emptying, but careful study of the cemeteries led to important discoveries. Careful analysis of the burials, the relationships and orientations of the structures, and the spatial distribution of the grave contents indicate that these cemeteries were essentially an embodiment on the ground of the social organization of their societies. It reveals that approximately since the fifth millennium of today's history (the third millennium BC), the people of this region lived in highly hierarchical societies. Careful analysis of burials
László Török
In this paper, the urban structure of four Kushite cities, Meroe, Napata, Sanam, and Kawa, is discussed from the point of view of the following special points: 1) content of geographical location and political function; 2) Cities as stations for ritual ritual practices; 3) The city as a place for renewing political identity; 4) The temples of Amun as archives of historical memory.
1) The content of the geographical location and the political function were studied in the case of the city of Meroe, which was built on islands surrounded (seasonally) by the branches of the Nile/or valleys that are filled seasonally with rainwater. The island on which the Temple of Amun and the royal palace were built was considered an image of the primordial highland; Napata was built in Jebel Barkal, the pure mountain that was considered the place of residence of Amun of Nabta. The mythological interpretation of the location of the city of Meroe is discussed in more detail on the basis of the evidence provided by the finds from the sacred Meroitic water site.
2) The city of Meroe, Napata, Kawa and Pennobus/Kerma (which was not discussed here due to the lack of archaeological data regarding the residence) were conceptually integrated as stations for the process of assuming the royal position that was formed to coincide with those residences as (actually or symbolically) centers of independent former governments within the framework of a homogeneous myth of the Kushite state. Sanam represented a different type of urban residence in terms of its origins and functions in the governmental structure. The connection between the Temple of Amun in it and the Great Temple of Amun in Napata, discussed here on the basis of the architectural and iconographic evidence, is closely related to the ritual relations between the two sacred places, which the researcher believes were ultimately influenced by the relationship between Amun of Karnak and Amun-Kamutef in Medinet Habu.
3) Following the discussion of the importance of the celebrations of Amun the Kushite, the layout of the central areas of the city of Meroe, Napata, and Kawa as dictated by the processions of the local Amun and the ruler was analyzed.
4) In the concluding section of the paper, the conceptual content of the sculptural edifices and royal inscriptions executed in the Great Temple of Amun in Napata and the Kawa temples was discussed from the point of view of their socio-political importance.
The cultural importance of the iconographic and epigraphic data revealed in the Kerma Kingdom
Dominique Valbelle
Understanding a culture like the Kerma culture, which has been active for more than a millennium and has been exposed to external influences throughout its history - some of those influences coming from Africa, some coming from Egypt - is of course a constant challenge. Its African models remained unknown to us, such that, at first glance, we were forced to limit ourselves to the keys provided by the Egyptian model. But we have to realize the fact that this model was used in a special way that may be very different from the original one.
The depiction of the king at Kerma, the image of the king of Egypt, and the use of Kerma for writing represent some of the best examples available to us of getting an idea of Kerma's way of expressing the concept of state and kingship.
In order to reflect on these issues, I re-studied the Egyptian statues in addition to other written monuments that were uncovered in the Kingdom of Kerma, whether in the site itself or scattered in the area under its control. Today one believes that all these relics were taken from the castles of the Second Cataract during the Second Intermediate Phase. However, the situation seems to me more complicated.
First of all, it is easy to note that the sacrificial formulas excavated in some monuments - devoid of any hint of Nubian gods, such as Horus and Buhen, for example - indicate that they were executed in Egypt for different temples or cemeteries - Dendra, Abydos, Hierakonpolis or Elephantine - from whence they came. This question must be tested within the framework of the chronological content of each piece.
In addition, its former supposed location in the castles of the Second Cataract cannot be considered a more ordinary one than the one we observe at Kerma: the Buhin monuments from the Middle Kingdom and from the Second Intermediate Period bear very different inscriptions including, for example, local deities. It is noteworthy that this point was not taken into account. Some current recent studies on the successive transfers of two royal statues during the second transitional phase, lead us all in the same direction.
Secondly, many of these relics were discovered lying on the surface in the tombs of Kerma; Most of the other antiquities were crowded into secret storage places, as the Egyptians used to do with sacred objects that were indispensable. Therefore, even when we know the exact location of its discovery, we are still not sure that it was not moved from one place to another one or more than once, especially when archaeologists have found the statues incomplete. All these observations make the interpretation of Egyptian antiquities a somewhat thorny vine.
To be able to form a better picture of the use of such Egyptian antiquities in Egypt and abroad, their placement in Kerma can be compared with that of Talm, which belongs to the same group of antiquities in Egyptian sites, as well as in Avaris and sites in the Near East, where some of them have been uncovered. Many studies conducted on these specific documents contribute to revealing the diversity of practices associated with them, from one place to another according to international politics in that period.
Many differences in situations can be detected. Some significant categories of antiquities were made to be sent by the pharaoh to foreign kings, such as stone vases made on the occasion of jubilees, or such as royal statues for various purposes. The question raised by special effects is often different. It is still more difficult to solve, but it will also be studied.
In Kerma itself, the results of these multiple studies will be interpreted in light of what we already know about Kerma customs. The few locally made antiquities are, in our view, very valuable, since they can be considered authentic translations of Egyptian “models”. A broad look at the activities of the African kingdoms studied so far - especially the statues of their kings and their behavior in relation to writing - can ultimately help us in understanding some of our conclusions, provided we remain aware of the anachronisms and geographical divergence of the available models, such as the modern tumulus of Mali, Benin or Cameroon.
Nabti to the Meroe: evolution or revolution?
Janice W. Yellin
It has become generally accepted that in the first centuries after the move of the capital south from Napata to Meroe, important aspects of the culture of the Kushite elites began to exhibit features that were not seen during the Napatan period. These new cultural forms were specifically called “Meroitic” and are believed to represent cultural and/or ethnic transformations that distinguished Meroitic society from Nabataean society. Among the most evident transformations are: new forms of decoration on obelisks and offering tables, new types of relief sculpture, a new organization of tombs in the various royal cemeteries, a new role for women from royal families, and of course the written emergence of the Meroitic language.
However, the nature of this “junction” in Kushite history and culture, and the process by which it occurred, are not well understood. What is the origin of these features? To what extent do these features indicate a break from Nabataean traditions? If so, how deep is the break with the plant-based past? Do these so-called “Meroitic” features represent the activities of a new southern dynasty at the height of the Kushite Kingdom, or merely an inclusion of local features introduced by a different group of local priests? How quickly did the change process occur? Was it an evolution over time or a more rapid process of “revolutionary” change?
This paper attempts to explore these and other topics by analyzing the archaeological evidence from royal burials of the late Nabatean period and the early Meroe period with the aim of achieving a better understanding of the nature and speed of cultural change during this transitional phase as reflected in funerary architecture, funerary rituals, funerary texts (including the use of royal and other titles), and relief sculptures of pyramid structures and cemeteries associated with tombs. For example, preliminary research based on the oldest burials of kings and queens at Meroe in Al-Bajrawiya South indicates that “Meroe” features begin to appear in the oldest of these burials and not after several generations as is believed in some cases. The importance of this and other discoveries will be discussed in order to contribute towards establishing a deeper understanding of the process by which Nabataean culture became “Meroe.”