A New Approach to the Cultural History of Kush

A NEW APPROACH TO THE CULTURAL HISTORY OF THE ANCIENT SUDAN

Osama Elnur

A renewed vision of the cultural history of Kush

Osama Abdel-Rahman Elnur

Paleolithic era

Characteristic stone industries of the Middle Paleolithic are well recognized in Kush. The studies conducted showed the existence of many successive stages of these stone industries, which expressed a great deal of diversity. Wild cows represented the main spoils of Kushite hunters. In Arqin, near Wadi Halfa, sites containing such stone tools were uncovered (Chmielewski, 1968). Near Arqin, archaeologists found a settlement site in Khor Musa contemporary with these industries, in which fish bones formed mainly food remains. Further to the south, similar industries were discovered near Khartoum, in addition to a type of large, long, foliated drills that resemble drills that were discovered in Lubimba in the Kinshasa Plain. Clark, 1980. Which may indicate the emergence of a tropical environment along the White Nile Valley during that period. Currently, the Khor Musa industry is considered contemporary with a Libyan industry known as Al-Dabaaniya, whose history has been proven to be about 35 thousand years ago. Chmielewski,1968Clark,1980

Following the Khor Musa industry, at least about 25 thousand years ago, a stone industry appeared in Kush known as the Halfawiyah Marks, 1968, which was linked to sites for hunting animals and fish in the Wadi Halfa region. What is important is that these clearly disparate industries, which coexisted side by side at the same time in close proximity to each other, indicate that the matter is not only related to diverse activities, but also to the presence of population groups as well. Increasing population pressures, in the surrounding environment provided by the Nile River, may have stimulated technological innovations as part of competition for control or acquisition of resources. This same process, in turn, constituted an incentive for the emergence of social ties, strong competition, inequality, and identity between groups (Wendorf-Schild, 1989). This situation continued from 15 thousand years ago to 11 thousand years ago when there was a rise in the level of the Nile contemporary with the high lakes in both the Sahara and East Africa. Marks,1968Wendorf-Schild,1989

We cannot isolate the development of stone industries in Kush from the events taking place at that time in the desert or in the northern region of the Nile Valley. Throughout the region, with the exception of the Mediterranean coast, the nature and distribution of human habitation sites depended on changing environmental conditions. Manifestations of this dependence can be seen in the cessation of the settlement process in a large part of the desert during the drought period that followed the flourishing of the stone industry known as Al-Atriya, and the dense concentration of settlement sites on both banks of the Nile. There is also the development of a series of widespread innovations at a very early time, which were associated with the quest to increase the capacity to produce food from the natural environment. These developments were closely linked to the existence of groups with specific, close borders that showed, as reflected in the remains of their material cultures, clear uniqueness in their lifestyles adapted to diverse circumstances.

Likewise, the unsuitability of a large part of the desert constituted an obstacle to human settlement, while the Nile provided a suitable environment that allowed, over the period from 20 thousand years and 11 thousand years ago, the population to increase within specific areas. There is no doubt that the inevitable result of this was the emergence of competition for resources and the emergence of social disparity. Our hypothesis finds support in the archaeological remains that have been uncovered in recent years in many sites in southern Egypt, such as Wadi al-Kabaniyah near Aswan, where wild walnut tubers formed an essential ingredient in food, and where large grinding stones were used. One of the Kushite stone industries of that period, which became known as Al-Qadaniyyah, shows a huge variety of dwarf-sized (microlithic) tools. The Qadani Kushites also practiced hunting wild cows and other hoofed animals, in addition to using wild plant foods, including grains. The Qadanis buried their dead in cemeteries, including the cemetery that was uncovered in Jabal Sahaba near Wadi Halfa, in which those buried were subjected to death as a result of a violent act, which may indicate the outbreak of conflicts and regional disputes between groups in that period (Wendorf-Schild, 1989). Most importantly, the animal species whose bone remains were discovered indicate an animal environment that enabled humans to conduct experiments to develop techniques for controlling wild and semi-wild herds. It may be said that it is possible to view these innovations as responses to the concentration of population in the Nile Valley due to the drought that struck the surrounding desert. Wendorf-Schild,1989

Middle Stone Age

Currently, information about the period between 12 and 8 thousand years ago is still somewhat scarce. Later on this date, a Kushite stone industry appeared, known as Al-Shammarqiya, whose tools resembled those that characterized desert industries. Wendt, 1966. Our most detailed knowledge about the inhabitants of the Nile Valley in this period comes from the Khartoum region, where the remains of a culture that became known as early Khartoum were uncovered at the site of the Khartoum Hospital, dating back to about 6000–3750 BC. Arkell, 1949. The materials uncovered included pottery decorated with wavy lines, dwarf-sized stone tools, whaling spears made of bone, and grinding stones. Whaling harpoon heads with a prong on one side only were a distinctive feature of early hosel making. Stones cut into the shape of a seal and other objects used as net weights indicate that spearfishing was not the only method of catching fish. Also, traces of dried clay in the sun were revealed, indicating the construction of some type of building. The skeletal remains show the presence of many animal species that usually lived in swamps, which indicates that the region was characterized by a more humid climate than it is today. The people of early Khartoum buried their dead in a crouched position inside graves dug at the site of the residence. Wendt,1966Arkell,1949

The early Khartoum site provided materials indicating that the early Mesolithic societies that used pottery and grinding stones were not all concentrated in settled villages, nor were they all preoccupied with food production. The inhabitants of Khartoum were hunter-gatherers, who lived in semi-permanent sites and collected grains, wild vegetables, and shellfish, as well as hunting animals and fish. The information extracted from early Khartoum found support in what was revealed at the site of Shabuna (2) on the White Nile, 140 kilometers south of Khartoum Clark, 1984. Roasted fish formed an important component of the diet of the people of Shabona, whose material culture was similar to that of early Khartoum. It appears that wild grains were collected and ground to prepare porridge. Flat pits with a diameter of two and a half meters were also discovered, which are believed to have prepared a place for habitation. Clark,1984

In the northern regions of Kush, pottery appears to have remained unknown until the times of late Shamariq industry, about 4500 BC. Therefore, it cannot be said that early Khartoum pottery represents a technology that spread south from Egypt. Rather, the available evidence may indicate the presence of similar pottery in areas further south in the area extending between the Nile Valley and Lake Turkana in Kenya.

Transition to food production To move to food production

The eventual adoption of food production techniques in the Nile Valley is only witnessed at a relatively late date. There is no indication that any form of food production was practiced in the Khartoum area before the fifth millennium AD. Field studies showed that the settlement pattern had acquired an unprecedented degree of complexity by that period. The first site that showed such a degree of complexity was discovered in Al-Shehinab, 50 km north of Omdurman. Arkell, 1953. The Shehinab industry hints at a distinct development of early Khartoum. Al-Shehinab site occupied a place on the bank of the Nile where fishing activity was of great importance. Here the whaling spear made of bone and equipped with a fork was developed. The development included providing the fork with a hole in its base to attach it to a string, in addition to using hooks made from oysters. Stone making and pottery processing in Al-Shehinab did not appear to differ from what was prevalent in early Khartoum, but Al-Shehinab pottery was now refined and included new types bearing some resemblance to contemporary pottery products in pre-dynastic Egypt. The beads were made from amazonite brought mostly from Tibesti, located 1,700 kilometers to the north. It is believed that the animal bones found in Al-Shehinab belong to indigenous species. Currently, it has been confirmed that there are domesticated cows in Al-Shehinab. Arkell,1953

Sites in central Sudan with an economy based on food production rather than an acquisitive economy based on hunting and gathering can be dated to around 4900-3800 BC. The economy at these sites was based on cows, sheep and goats, possibly with some agricultural practice and continued hunting and fishing activities. It is a type of economy characteristic of the Nile Saharan regions, based on the exploitation of a broad base of resources. Material indicating this type of transition to a productive economy, along with the site of Al-Shehinab, comes from other Kushite sites in central Sudan, such as Al-Kadru, Umm Darwa, and Al-Jili. At the site of Al-Kadru, to the northeast of Khartoum, while the people of Al-Shehinab lived on the facing west bank, the inhabitants grazed cows in large numbers alongside sheep and goats. 90% of the discovered animal bones belonged to domesticated species Krzyzaniak, 1988. Also found used grinding stones in large quantities. It was evident from grains found attached to the walls of some pottery vessels that sugar corn and millet were the main exploited grain plants. Hunting animals and fish was of seasonal importance among the Kadru groups, and the Kadru site can be considered a residence base. Krzyzaniak,1988

There are a number of sites in the area that were also inhabited by smaller groups on a seasonal basis or for the purpose of carrying out various economic activities, including fishing. The general picture that is emerging as a result of field research currently underway indicates the existence of many different sites in which seasonal bases were established and whose inhabitants used food resources that varied according to abundance. For example, the connection between the sites of Al-Kadro and Al-Zakiab indicates that they formed two parts of a single system in which the Al-Kadro site was a seasonal residence in the dry season, where residents harvested sugar corn and two types of millet, and made their pottery, while Al-Zakiab was a site of residence in the rainy season, specializing in grazing cows and fishing.

The results of excavations in the many cemeteries there, including the Kadru cemetery, showed the existence of a kind of social hierarchy and organization. Some graves in the cemetery were designated for adults, while part of the cemetery was designated for the burial of children. The contents of the graves indicate a hierarchy in terms of the amount and accumulation of wealth and in terms of social status. It seems that this social structure continued into the late Neolithic era, as we find that the burials that were studied in the Dongola region at the site of Kadruka Reinold, 1991, and in Al-Kadada, in addition to Al-Kadru, all provide evidence indicating the concentration of power in the hands of specific elites. Reinold,1991

The last phase of the Neolithic in central Sudan shows evidence indicating the de facto dominance of a herding-based economy with a change in settlement patterns. Unlike the previous stage, when the sites were concentrated on both banks of the Nile due to the reliance on river resources in the first place, the herding groups in the Neolithic era began to spread rapidly to larger areas. In the adjacent Butana areas, an important cultural flourishing process began with the emergence of a strong pastoral economy in the phase that immediately followed the Neolithic phase of Khartoum. With the decline of the latter in the fourth millennium BC, the prosperity of the lining began. It is possible that the constant need for new pastures to ensure the recovery of an economy dependent on cows was a motive for the spread of Central Sudanese groups to the Butana areas. We believe that this may help explain the origin of pastoralist economies in the Ethiopian plateau and East Africa at the end of the third millennium BC.

Thus, it appears that the development of the Mesolithic was a local process that reflected a situation that spread over a wider region to the east as far as the Great Lakes region (Victoria, Turkana, and Edward), and to the west towards the desert depressions that were seasonally filled with water. The transition from this phase to the Neolithic era, characterized by food production, may have been a purely local development. Domesticated animals may have been acquired by desert populations. In principle, these groups did not change the prevailing economic pattern, which maintained a broad base characteristic of the Middle Stone Age, even though domesticated animals were of great importance. Only later, in the Late Neolithic period, did pastoral activities prevail in Kush, creating an actual break with ancient traditions. In that period, the pastoral complex moved to take center stage, imposing hegemony on the economy and eliminating the traditions of hunting animals and fish.

To the north, along the course of the Nile, pottery artifacts were found that showed some similarity to Al-Shehinab artifacts in a number of sites in the Dongola region and to the north of it, where the latter was associated with an industry that received the name Abkiya (derived from the village of Abka).

The oldest group of food producers in the northern outskirts of Kush is the one that received the designation of the first group. The remains of this group were discovered along the northern edges of Kush in what is currently known as Lower Nubia. In Sars, located directly south of the second waterfall, distinctive sites of the first group were uncovered, characterized by polished red pottery covered with wavy decoration, which is common in tombs, while in residential sites, huge quantities of vessels intended for daily use were found, in which rough or polished brown-colored artefacts predominate. The majority of the decorated polished vessels bear many similarities to the vessels characteristic of Neolithic sites in central Sudan, such as Al-Shehinab and Shaqdoud. The similarities are primarily reflected in the surface shaping technique as well as numerous decorations. In addition, the neck of the vessels of the first group bears the same pattern of decoration characteristic of many Shehinab artifacts.

Such similarity in the development of traditions and technical expertise in central Sudan and the northern outskirts of the Kush can only be explained by proposing the hypothesis that the two regions belong to a common cultural pattern. In the sites of the first group, tools from Al-Tharran and a series of Egyptian products were discovered, including vessels made of stone, copper tools, tools for shaping the surface of pottery, amulets, and others, which indicates the boom in trade between the northern edges of Kush and Egypt in the pre-dynastic era. It seems that raw materials of Kushite origin, such as ivory and leather, found their way to the north as exchange goods. The people of the first group practiced herding sheep and goats, along with small numbers of cows, and they cultivated barley and wheat, in addition to hunting animals and fish. Although these groups used small sheds for housing, some of them, who often represented an elite, lived in larger houses, such as those that were uncovered at one of the sites near the first waterfall, which are rectangular houses, each of which contains several rooms, up to six in some cases. This site was dated to approximately 3000 BC. Adams, 1977. The reasons that led to the disappearance of the distinctive residence of the first group at the end of the First Egyptian Dynasty 2900 BC are still in effect. Incomprehensible. Adams,1977

It can be said that the culture of the first group formed a local product linked to the Neolithic culture of the Shehinab farther to the south, and the differences between the two cultures are nothing but regional and temporal diversity. Field studies have shown that the more distant the sites of the first group’s culture towards the south, the less Egyptian influences and the greater the similarities with the pattern of Central Sudanese cultures. There is no doubt that the pre-dynastic culture of Egypt left its mark on the development of the culture of the first group, but arriving at the conclusion that the creators of the culture of the first group were Egyptian immigrants who came to the northern outskirts of Kush constitutes a mere hypothesis that does not find support in the archaeological record.

There is also a lack of historical data that could support the hypothesis of the emergence of aggressive relations between the two regions in the pre-dynastic period. The situation began to change only after the completion of the process of unifying the two parts of Egypt and the emergence of the early Egyptian kingdom. A painting was found dating mostly to the period of Hor-Akha’s rule, around 3125 BC. It was dedicated to glorifying the victory achieved by this pharaoh over the inhabitants of the northern outskirts of Kush. A text was also found referring to a campaign sent by the Pharaoh in 3100 BC. The expedition passed near Mount Sheikh Suleiman and left there this famous inscription, the interpretation of which sparked controversy among researchers (the inscription has now been moved and displayed in the garden of the National Museum of Antiquities in Khartoum). Some believe that the campaigns of the two pharaohs Djer and Waji on the northern outskirts of Kush were of a commercial nature and not aggressive settlement campaigns. Others believe that the Djer inscription carries a clear reference to the occupation of northern Kush from the first cataract to Wadi Halfa. There is no doubt that the pharaohs of the Fourth Dynasty 2625-2510 BC. They had succeeded in imposing their authority on the rulers of the southern region of Egypt, and by relying on them, the authority of the Pharaohs extended further to the south. However, the statement that Egypt was able during the reign of its First Dynasty to occupy the lands of the northern outskirts of Kush remains just a hypothesis that does not find any facts to support it.

Cultures of the northern Kush peripheries

Reisner, who was the first to excavate the sites of the first group, had assumed that after the end of the dynastic stage and the displacement of the culture of the first group, a new cultural phase emerged, which he called the second group, whose people continued to inhabit the northern outskirts of Kush in the era of the Old Kingdom. Given the absence of any type of residential sites that can be traced back to this second group, Reisner's hypothesis relied entirely on the comparative analysis of the materials that were uncovered in the burials dating back to that period. Therefore, the hypothesis of the existence of the cultural system called the second group faced rejection among researchers. Thus, we find Söderberg writing, saying that “the issue of determining the date of the end of the first group and its disappearance has so far faced many difficulties. The study of the area located on both banks of the Nile, extending from Sars in the north to Wadi Halfa in the south, has not yielded any materials whose belonging to the so-called second group can be determined. “There is no information indicating that one of the archaeological missions operating in Sudan has achieved success in recording this type of material.” Säve-Södebergh, 1992. Säve-Södebergh,1992

This fact, in addition to the distinctive pottery of the first group that was found in Buhen, indicates that the culture of this group occupied a longer period of time than we previously imagined, and was directly replaced by the culture of the third group, without a transitional phase separating them. The archaeological materials that Reisner and others believe belong to the second group are nothing but funerary materials belonging to the poorest graves of the first group’s burials. Therefore, it may be said that the available material culture data indicate that the difference between the two types of burials is nothing more than a mere difference of a socio-economic nature, and it is far from being a difference of chronological succession.

Material evidence confirms that the northern outskirts of Kush witnessed the flourishing of a culture known as the Third Group, which covered a long period of time extending from approximately the Sixth Dynasty of Egypt in approximately (2460-2200 BC) until the Eighteenth Dynasty of Egypt (1552-1295), meaning that it includes the following periods in the history of Egypt: the First Transitional Phase, the Middle Kingdom, the Second Transitional Phase, and the beginning of the New Kingdom. The antiquities of the third group are dated based on some vessels similar to their Egyptian counterparts, as well as on some imported goods.

Reisner hypothesized that the culture of the third group constituted a later link in the development of the culture of the northern periphery of the Kush. Later, the idea of ​​the emergence of completely new elements that characterize the third group became widespread, and thus a hypothesis was put forward that said that pastoralist groups arrived in the region from the eastern desert or from the regions located on the Atbara River, while others identified the third group with the Beja tribes and confirmed that the immigrants brought with them the tradition of benefiting from cow’s milk. Some believe that the people of the third group are Libyan immigrants who came from the West.

The languages that were prevalent in northeastern Africa in the era before the arrival of Arab immigrants and the spread of Islam confirm the long-term stability of the ethnic composition in this part of the African continent. The Kushite languages ​​of the Eastern Sahara, the Chadian and Berber languages ​​of the Western Sahara, the ancient Egyptian language, and the Semitic languages ​​constitute five branches of what Greenberg called the Afro-Asiatic language family Greenberg (1963). This is while most of the languages ​​in the regions located immediately south of Egypt in the period preceding the spread of Islam do not belong to this family, but rather to the Eastern Sudanese language family. It is worth noting here that three of the basic branches of the Afro-Asian family were found, and still exist, in the Nile Valley region on both banks. Although each branch is currently independent, these branches are related to each other in terms of common origin. This sequence indicates that the cultural transformations in the Northeast African region were not the result of the replacement of one ethnic group by another, but rather the result of natural progression from one generation to the next. Written sources indicate that the groups that inhabited the Nile Valley and the deserts to the east and west of it were not completely isolated from each other, despite the geographical distance that separated them. Greenberg,1963

It is also known that the inhabitants of Kush launched military campaigns against the oasis areas, as the inscriptions of the Old Kingdom speak about this. The Egyptian traveler Harkhuf mentioned that he traveled on the oasis trail and found that a war had broken out between the leader of Yam (an area between the second and third cataracts) and the Tamhu (Libyan) tribes. In this regard, Harkhuf mentioned that he found that “the leader of Yam had gone to the land of Al-Tamhu to strike Al-Tamhou to the western corner of the horizon, so I went after him and entered the settlement for himself. Also, Egyptian inscriptions dating back to the Middle Kingdom found in Semna at the second cataract mention information about the Medjay who were coming to the Nile Valley from the eastern desert for the purpose of trade. Then, the region located to the south of the second cataract is an extended plain that helps to establish connections between the inhabitants of that city.” The natural conditions were therefore appropriate for the emergence of trade relations within this region, and then exchange and borrowing between various ethnic groups, with each group retaining its independent characteristics and characteristics. This is what can explain the emergence of successive cultural phases characterized by black-necked pottery. It is not correct to consider this type of artifacts and their distinctive decorative patterns as evidence that confirms the hypothesis of ethnic migrations as much as it testifies to the extent of the development of mutual cultural relations.

Material culture data prove the authenticity of the culture of the third group and its local character. There is no doubt that it represents a later phase and a continuation of the culture of the first group, as the distinctive materials of both groups were uncovered in the same archaeological region, in addition to the discovery of cemeteries and residential sites that contain materials characteristic of the two phases. Adams believed that this agreement could not be the result of the narrowness of the land, such that the people of the third group were forced to use the cemeteries of the first group. If we agree with Adams' point of view, it can be said that the people of the third group lived in the same sites and intentionally used the same cemeteries of the first group Adams, 1977. Adams,1977

Based on this, we can put forward two ideas: The first is that the people of the third group felt a unity of belonging to the people of the first group and that they were ancestors of the latter. The second is that there was not a long time interval, as was previously thought, between the two phases, otherwise the ancient sites of the first group would not have survived. Many of the cultural elements of the first group phase can be traced in the culture of the third group, although the latter produced some special distinctive elements, mainly the pastoral character. The scattered differences that can be observed between the two stages can be attributed to a natural process of development. The results obtained thanks to recent field studies confirm that the culture of the third group in the northern outskirts of Kush constitutes a continuation of the culture of the first group. As we have indicated, the use of cemeteries belonging to the first group itself indicates the feeling of belonging to those people of the third group. This particular circumstance, in addition to the data of material culture, constitutes a basis for refuting the statement regarding foreign migration and invasion. Some believe that the people of the first group were forced to emigrate from their land as a result of the continuous aggressive campaigns launched by the Pharaohs of Egypt. It seems that this migration did not last long, as the people of the first group returned to their homeland after the process of transitioning to the distinctive pastoral phase of what became known as the third group, far in the south, was completed, where they lived in a different ecological environment that imposed on them new adaptive patterns that became part of their culture, which they carried with them when they returned again to their homeland in the northern outskirts of Kush. Some believe that the people of the group

Likewise, the link that may connect the two phases must be searched for in the region located south of the second waterfall. Such a hypothesis can be supported by the presence of several features between the third group phase and the Kerma phase. The ethno-cultural similarity between the two phases is evident from the study of funerary rituals and the custom of burying animals with the deceased, a custom that continued until the Napata era, as we will explain. In the cemetery of the third group in Faras, the remains of animal skeletons, especially goats, were discovered, and traces of animal sacrifices were discovered in the cemeteries of the third group in Debira, in addition to a burial on an aqrib (a wooden bed sewn with leather). All this is in addition to the closeness and similarity in pottery and other craft products and in the decorative patterns, wavy lines and triangles that cover the walls of pottery vessels.

(1) Al-Dabaniyya: Derived from the Al-Dabaa Cave in Al-Jabal Al-Akhdar, Libya, it is a stone industry that belongs to the Upper Paleolithic era. It is distinguished by its pointed blades, scrapers, and chisel-like tools, called the shrine. Al-Dabaniyya in Jabal Al-Akhdar is associated with the beginning of the desert drought, which led to the eclipse of the Atreya industry.

(2) A seasonal planned settlement site described in detail by Clark in his report on the excavations he conducted at the site of Shabuna on the bank of the White Nile in central Sudan, dating back to about 7,000 years ago. According to Clark, the year was divided into two main parts, the dry season and the rainy season. Shabbona is inhabited during the dry season, when flood waters begin to recede. Fish can then be caught using bone harpoons, as well as wild cows that gather around the standing water. Even crocodiles and elephants may be hunted from time to time. As the rains fall and the Nile level rises and floods the area, the residence site moves from Shabuna inland, away from the Nile, where residents continue to hunt animals and harvest wild grains until the end of the rainy season.

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The state in Kush: the founding stage

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