Zar Rituals: Social, Cultural and Psychological Contexts

Chapter Two

- First research -

The socio-cultural and psychological backgrounds of the visitors

2 - 1 - 1    Rituals and their nature

2 - 1 - 2    Al-Zar and its nature

2 - 1 - 3    The ceremonial dance practice and its emotions are expressive and symbolic behavior.

* Ritual behaviour

* Symbolism from a psychoanalytic perspective

* Ritual practice is symbolic expressive behavior

* Hysterical behavior

* The symbolic context of ritual practice

* Emoji styles

2 - 1 - 1    Rituals and their nature

All peoples have rituals that represent a special type of observable behavior, based on established or traditional rules. It can therefore be viewed as a way to describe or define a human being. Man may be known as a rational being, an economic or political being, or a playing species. He can also be viewed as a ritual being that shows a striking and surprising balance between his ritual and actual behavior. Ritual is a type of generalized behavior that can be relied upon to understand the nature of a human being, just like language, which is a symbolic system based on established laws. Therefore, rituals can be viewed as a symbolic system of actions, and the complex, thorny relationship between rituals and language can be seen in the history of many attempts to explain ritual behavior. Hence, we find that most interpretations pay attention to the importance of language as an important factor in the theory that is concerned with the nature of rituals. The language of ritual interpretation is the language of myth. As for the meaning and nature of rituals, three approaches prevailed:

The first approach relies on origin as a criterion, through a theory that specializes in the historical origin of rituals, as is the case with religions. The logical premise or law for this approach is that the development of the individual (the development of a single organism) repeats, in short, evolutionary development (the growth of a group of related organisms), just as the human fetus briefly repeats one stage in the history of human development in the womb, that is, the gill stage. Success in explaining the apparent global scope of rituals depends on the possibility of identifying the oldest cultures and beliefs. Scientists believe that if they can reveal the origin, they will be able to explain people's contemporary rituals. The search for the origin of rituals moved away from complex societies that knew writing to less complex illiterate societies. This approach resulted in terminology such as primitive religions and cultures in search of an answer to the meaning of rituals, myths, and religions. Different cultures and rituals emerged, and the issue of sacrifices, whether human or animal, became a matter of controversy among researchers who advocate the evolutionary theory. This is how Robertson Smith looked at us in his research published in the Ninth Edition of the Encyclopædia Britanica 1973-1974, with the opinion that the motivation for sacrifice and offering lies in the desire to unite between people of primitive groups and their gods. Therefore, the origin of the ritual is found in totemic worship, and thus totemism became considered by many researchers to be the early stage of religion and rituals.

The influence of Smith's views can be traced in the works of the English anthropologist James Frazer, the French sociologist Emile Durkheim, and in the works of Sigmund Freud, the father of psychoanalysis. Despite their agreement with what Smith said, the issue of sacrifice and totemism remained of interest to their research on the origin of religion. As for Frazer, his research led him to say that magic was a stage prior to religion, but despite his saying of moving from a period dominated by magic to a period in which the religious position prevailed, he believes that we cannot find a common denominator between magic and religion (The Arab Philosophical Encyclopedia, Part 1, 1986: 444). In this regard, Frazer says that man “realized that those forces that he thought were causes were not so, and that all his efforts were based on resorting to those forces.” The imaginary reasons were in vain. His hard work was in vain, and he carried out his own activity for nothing. He had pulled ropes to which nothing could be attached. If the great scholar followed his path without his help or the help of his assistants, it was because there were other beings similar to him, even though they were much more powerful than him, who invisibly managed his course and completed everything that he had previously thought was subject to his magic” (James Fraser, 1971: 76).

The work of Smith, Frazer, and Durkheim led to the search for the origin of rituals and religions in totemism as it manifested itself in Australia... “Totemic rituals strengthened the bonds of social and tribal solidarity, and then religious mentalities were gradually purified until they bestowed on totemism an abstract spiritual form” (Arabic Philosophical Encyclopedia, Vol. 1, 1986: 444). Durkheim believes that scholars will find in totemism the original form of rituals, as religion is not only “a system of ideas about God and the divine, but behind beliefs there are forces of a special kind that dominate and support the individual... that raise him above himself, and move him to an environment other than the one in which his earthly existence takes place... the realm of the sacred, and make him live a higher and more intense life.” This is how Durkheim arrives at the distinction between the unholy and the sacred. The sacred, and all the rituals and celebrations it contains, aim to maintain social solidarity and make people respect the system, all of which are extremely important for human survival. Australians believe that ritual behavior contains an attitude related to the sacred, and sacred actions and objects, and therefore are only symbolic representations of society.

Sigmund Freud was influenced by totemic theory, and tried to find support for it through the results of analytical psychology studies. Freud sees religion as a neurotic symptom that differs from individual symptoms because it is a "general obsessive neurosis." The suppression of the selfish instinct plays a formative role in religion, just as the suppression of the sexual instinct plays a neurotic disease. As for Totemism, it can be considered the first attempt at religion in human history, given its honoring of the substitute for the father. Since the totemic feast has varying importance, add to that the celebration of memorial holidays and the imposition of taboos and prohibitions, the violation of which may lead to death.

The second approach to explaining ritual behavior owes its debt to the work of Smith, Freud, and Durkheim, who rejected evolutionary theory as a tool for explaining ritual behavior; This is because they do not fit the explanation of this behavior, in addition to the fact that they contain bold ideas that cannot be confirmed and can even be denied at the same time.

By shifting from the hypothesis of origin, researchers moved to emphasize empirical data collected through actual observation, which led to the accumulation of a huge amount of descriptive material for the various rituals practiced around the world. If the term origin is central to the first discussion; The term function can be used as an indication of the primary focus given to the second approach, which indicates that the nature of weather must be defined in terms of its functional role in the particular society. Hence, the goal of the functional approach crystallizes in trying to explain ritual behavior from the standpoint of individual needs and social balance. Weather is thus evaluated as an adaptive and harmonious response to the social and natural environment. Many distinguished researchers have followed this approach as the most effective in interpreting rituals. Thus, Malinowski, Radcliffe-Brown, Evans Pritchard, and Edmund Leech adopted a functional approach to studying and interpreting rituals. *°q·

As for the religious approach, it centered on historians’ studies of religion, and most of them were in agreement with the functionalists that the origin of evolutionary theories is useless as a hypothesis. They also rejected functionalism as an appropriate explanation for explaining rituals, adhering to their opinion that ritual behavior means or expresses the world of the sacred, the transistal world, that is, the pinnacle of realism. However, this treatise did not give an explanation or explanation of the rituals; This is because the problem remains and cannot be confirmed. Unless scientists agree that transistal reality can exist.

We can summarize the general features of rituals, which we find in most societies and various cultures, as it is a practice that has its own ritual framework. Failure to adhere to these frameworks will lead to the celebration being ineffective. Ritual can also be treated as a non-speaking means of expression based on a symbolic basis and its language is the language of myths. Based on the vision of functional scientists, it can be considered a form of adaptive response to the two environments: physical and social. As for its reference, it is represented in the belief system, and it is also related to the arts.

Glenn Wilson pointed out that rituals are the “birthplace” of many performing arts. The ritual is characterized by the stereotypical repetition that encapsulates an activity to attract a magical effect. The behavioral pattern is repeated not only as a result of habit but also because it has acquired a deep esoteric significance. The roots of this activity in the past may have been random or coincidental, or they may have been forgotten, but they are now enveloped in an important social and religious context. Wilson pointed out several functions of rituals, the most prominent of which are (1) renewing the features of social events (wedding, funeral, etc.); (2) Strengthening the bonds of unity and belonging with a particular group; (3) Communication with the world beyond nature; (4) Expanding the boundaries of consciousness by entering trance-like or trance-like states. Among the components of ritual ceremonies there are certain components of chanting and singing, the formation of special steps, masks and costumes, which made their way and contributed to the theatrical performance (see: Glenn Wilson, 2000: 59-61).

Scientists agree that there is a close relationship between rituals and myths, and scientific studies of the lives of primitive groups have proven that myth has a realistic existence for two reasons: its sanctity and the greatness of its purpose. Malinowski emphasizes the existence of this relationship between rituals and myth by saying, “If myth is studied while it is alive and effective, the fact that it is a revival of an innate reality that is narrated in response to deep religious tendencies, moral inclinations, and social connections will become clear.” He added, “Myth proves the efficiency of rituals, and its knowledge provides man with the motivation to fulfill the burdens dictated by rituals and virtues” (Malinowski, B., 1926:21). This is while Freud believes that myth indicates an intellectual system and can therefore be traced back to specific and few elements. It is far-fetched in human nature and depends on an instinct that cannot be rejected, and the researcher must determine its nature and characteristics (Rosenthal et al., 1981:23). Rituals are similar to myth in terms of contents, as they contain rhythm, gesture, and symbolism. We can conclude by saying that there is a connection between both myths and rituals... “If the society with which the myth interacts is exposed to other cultural elements, its complex is broken, descends to the surface of the social entity, or is deposited in the unconscious and in both cases it remains a belief, a form of magic, or an unacceptable practice or ritual” (Abdul Hamid Yunus, 1972:19). Jane Harrison linked the emergence of dramatic art to rites and rituals, stressing that rituals dramatize myth, noting that myth is a feature of social action (Encyclopedia Americana, 1966: 162-163).

Rituals can be considered rites of passage, according to Arnold van Gem's term rites de passage, which take place in life cycles (marriage, circumcision, death, etc.) and can be considered rites of transition from a state of illness to health and well-being. According to the Dictionary of Folklore (Maria Leach, 1949:946), it can be considered a dramatic ritual dance ritual, that is, a popular dance in which there is a group interaction of movements performed in the cycles of life. Many tribes around the world celebrate the cycles of life through dance (marriage, death, circumcision, and the transition from illness to health). The therapeutic goals of this dramatic dance include exorcising evil spirits or psychological treatment through fake hysterical dances or gymnastic movements. *

Rituals can be classified into two basic types: rituals related to the renewal of life through fertility and growth, and purification rituals aimed at cleansing an individual’s life of ghosts and sins. Man seeks to erase sensory time in order to live in the mythical time through celebrations. In this sense, we may classify Zar as a ritual practice within the purification rituals, because Zar is characterized by being an activity based on dancing, emotional arousal, and offering sacrifices to appease the masters and hope for their return.

Crabb (Alexander Crabb, 1967:464-465) traces the roots of ritual practices in general to a psychological cause; He talks about the ritual dance rituals that the primitive people performed to achieve success in hunting animals by imitating the latter’s movements, or to increase the growth and abundance of crops, or for the sake of loftier goals: such as some people’s illusion that the celestial bodies in their trembling movements need some encouragement so that their movement does not slow down, or that they may be held to expel evil spirits and ward off diseases. Crabb cites several ethnographic models, such as the idea that young men would jump high as they danced while sowing flax, the idea that flax would reach as tall as their jumps, or the curses cast by Israelite prophets on ritual dance practices; To purify the religion of those dances that led to the fall of their capital and the destruction of the temple, and like the Christian clergy who tried to eliminate dance, but his attempts failed.

If we shed light from a historical perspective on spiritual ritual practices, Arkun Darwol (Arkun Darwol, 1993) believes that their beginning can be traced in India, or at least in the place and time in which the priests began their practices that were founded on the basis of Hindu mythology. As for rituals of a violent, kinetic nature characterized by intense emotion, Darwall attributes them to the training rituals of those affiliated with the fortune-telling corps in ancient Egypt, which include hitting cymbals, tension, a specific degree of stress, eating a specific type of food, in addition to terrifying situations. There were also other factors, such as drinking a sleeping pill and a symbolic death sentence and then spinning in a circle*. In general, three stages can be identified for training those affiliated with the priesthood profession: The first stage represents mental preparation, by cultivating religious teachings through the recitation of hymns (a suggestive stage characterized by communication and repetition). The second stage is physical preparation, by weakening the body through fasting and exposing it to heat, cold, various weather fluctuations, and terror. The third stage is reaching a state of relaxation through melodies and the smell of perfumes.

Arkoun defines the goal of rituals as liberating the individual from moral ties, and it relies on collective belief and practice through a unified will. We find in the ritual practice of the Zār many examples of achieving liberation from moral ties, for example: the “Abyssinian coil” thread, which represents a symbol of immorality. In the various threads we find an impact of collective practice, a support to which the oppressed self belongs. If these practices in Al-Zar are compared with the practices of some secret groups; One would expect very surprising results to emerge, for example: the group of extremists; Or the Gnostic group, who claim that within every man and woman there is an unsatisfied drive that does not find an outlet for expression in a natural way because there are no social means through which satisfaction can be achieved. The Gnostic believes that agitation and excitement lead to the mind being freed from the shackles of the body, and some of them believe that fasting and meditation may lead to the same result (Arkoun, 1993:54). The same applies to the various followers of Illuminationist tendencies, which represent a group of philosophical, religious, and Sufi trends: such as the Platonic doctrine and its extensions in rational philosophy, and the Sufi and spiritual trends that succeeded it. Ibn Sina had developed the theory of illumination, and he talked about exercise and worship: “Then, when his will and exercise reached such an extent, it meant him joyful deliverances from the revelation of the light of truth, as if they were lightnings that flashed at him and then died down from him. Then, the clouds of darkness would increase upon him if he became more devoted to his satisfaction.” We also find that the Great Sheikh of Ishraq, Al-Sahraudi, surpasses Ibn Sina in his astonishing spiritual vision, as he claims that it opened before him the doors of the spiritual world, which he achieved through observation: “And whoever does not believe this, he should practice spiritual mathematics, for perhaps he will win a breakthrough that will show him the bright light in the world of might” (The Arab Philosophical Encyclopedia, vol. 1, 1988: 125-127). ·¨

Thus, it is clear that the use of exercise, whether physical or spiritual, is accompanied by practices that have been commonly used since ancient times until the practitioner reaches the point of losing consciousness, which was previously confirmed by psychologist William Sargant regarding the dominance of this practice, as he pointed out that “there are many different final paths to the pressures to which all animals are exposed, despite the difference in temperamental responses, provided that the pressures and tensions continue for a long period” (William Sargant, 1971: 77-101). Perhaps the same thing happens to humans. The violence of practice, the effort expended, and the continuity of dancing over a period of time are bound to destroy the strongest and most solid moods. Direct observation during the Zar parties that the researcher attended indicated that external symptoms of fatigue began to appear when practicing these violent expressive movements. These external symptoms were represented by profuse sweating, rapid and shallow breathing, and a change in facial expressions that showed signs of distraction and lack of concentration (for more, see Amal Al-Nour, 1997). The researcher believes that the explanation for this is linked to the process of adaptation, or conditional subjugation, which is based on functional principles in religious conversions and in group psychotherapy, which include creating and applying fear, anxiety, and conflict. Bringing the person to the point of bewilderment and confusion, which leads to an increase in the power of suggestion and the rupture of old behavior. This is what we find reflected in psychology in the process of purification known as “catharsis,” that is, the washing of the mind followed by the Cathars*.

In summary, these ritual rites represent the remnants of ancient practices and customs, which have spread east and west, and we find shadows of them in the ceremonial rituals of Zar. They are generally characterized by charged emotions or arousal of emotions full of anxiety, fear, and tension, accompanied by rhythm and physical exhaustion, which leads to confusion of the mind. They are practitioners who have been let down by their knowledge, perception, and inability, and they fall into the traps of suggestion and hypnosis and enter into An artificial coma, and they become a malleable, programmable tool, to use the language of the times.

2 - 1 - 2 Al-Zar and its nature

Zar is a type of abnormal condition that afflicts a human being, which requires treatment according to specific rituals. Zar treatment aims to relieve an individual suffering from an abnormal physical or psychological condition. The idea at the core of Zar therapy revolves around the belief that the cosmic space is filled with spirits, and the central point lies in the concept of spirits, according to Zar rituals. These spirits are considered a hidden force that humans must fear, respect, and venerate. It is not permissible under any circumstances to link the spirits of pilgrims with demons. An individual is afflicted with an abnormal condition due to the influx of one of these spirits into his body, such that the individual becomes not responsible for all of his actions and movements. Since spirits represent an unnatural, supernatural force, they must be treated with awe, respect, and reverence. Therefore, treatment with zar aims to appease the spirit that has taken up residence in the individual’s body, so that it calms down by responding to its demands, which makes the “wearing person,” according to zar concepts, return to its natural state. *

Some people in Sudan have a belief in the possibility of the jinn and devils mentioned in the Holy Qur’an possessing the human body, but at the same time they believe in the possibility of man being possessed by other spirits such as the “spirit of the mate” or the “spirit of the mate,” which are spirits that, according to prevailing belief, possess unmarried people, prevent them from marrying, and can cause them harm if they marry. There is also a belief in the spirit of the “mother of boys,” which represents the spirit of a woman who hates children and harms them, and also causes miscarriages and other diseases. There is also a belief in other spirits, which are the “spirits of zar” (Al-Dustour or the red wind). Abbas Ahmad had divided spirits into two parts: red wind and black wind, which, in his belief, represents a main division of the world of earthly spirits. By "black wind" is meant a group of spirits of jinn and demons that are believed (in popular belief) to touch a person, causing him to become insane, for which he cannot be treated except by successfully removing those spirits from the patient's body. As for the “red wind,” it means a group of other spirits, unlike jinn and devils, which when they touch a person, cause him psychological imbalance or anxiety that does not amount to loss of reason (Abbas Ahmed, 1996: 114).

The name Zar, Dastur, or Red Wind in Sudanese popular belief refers to the type of disease that requires treatment through the Zar ritual. The belief in Al-Zar centers on the existence of a hidden force (spirits) capable of exercising solutions in an individual, whether a man or a woman, demanding that he respond to specific demands to satisfy them. Once this process of solutions is completed, the natural state of the individual changes, the way he speaks changes, and his behavior deviates. Thus, it is believed that the individual has become deprived of his will, and that the personality of the spirit has taken possession of him, such that the afflicted person becomes characterized by anxiety, confusion, fear, and hesitation. When symptoms of such an abnormal condition appear, it is inevitable, according to popular belief, to treat the individual by holding a ceremony for the pilgrim.

In Sudan, there are two different forms of the ritual of possession with spirits, expressed through the terms “Zar Boria” and “Zar Tambura”. Practitioners of Zar Boria are women, and it is the most common form in the national capital. As for Zar Tamboura, it is reserved for special classes of freed slaves and their descendants, and is distinguished by the large number of men among the practitioners. The differences between the two forms can be highlighted in the following points:

1- The difference in the main musical instruments used in the rituals, the rababa for the zar of Tambura, and the daluka for the zar of Boria;

2- The main practitioners of Zar Tamboura are men, due to the difficulty of practicing its rituals for women.

3- The person in the act of visiting Tamboura must practice dancing while wearing a belt made of sheep bones, wads, and beads, and he must shake and rattle it while dancing;

4- The language of Zar Buria is Arabic, while the language of Zar Tamboura is not Arabic. 5- The one who visited Tamboura is hotter in its rhythms, and the disease it brings is more severe than the one who visited Boria.

2 - 1 - 3    The ceremonial dance practice and its emotions as symbolic expressive behavior

* Ritual behaviour

The study of ritual behavior in the ceremonial practice of the Zar starts from an integrative concept of behavior, that is, a comprehensive behavior, in which the past is disturbed, and the experiences acquired through socialization and the organism’s previous and subsequent interactions with the surroundings and its integration with this milieu in which it lives in its entirety, and where it takes a special direction in responding to the social and cultural milieu, that is, the entire situation has an important place. Therefore, behavior in this sense becomes a product of mutual interactions between the organism and the environment, and the responses become comprehensive, interactive responses with which it confronts reality. According to Daniel Lagache’s definition, “behavior is the sum of physiological, motor, and mental processes through which an organism responds to the stimuli of the environment in which it exists, with the aim of achieving the possibility of tension and relieving it, which is, on the one hand, a source of the collapse of balance in its system, and on the other hand, a motive for its movement and response (The Arab Philosophical Encyclopedia, vol. 1, 1986: 488).

In Eysenk’s definition, “Behavior can be analyzed into three main components. On the one hand, we have the stimuli to which the organism is exposed and which prompt it to respond. These stimuli may come from outside* or from within the body itself, that is, they may come from the muscle fibers present in our limbs so that through them we become aware of the position of these limbs. On the other hand, we have the responses that the organism gives, and these may be mental, that is, body movements resulting from muscle contraction and relaxation, or glandular, and they may emanate from the device.” The exploited nervous system (sympathetic or parasympathetic) or the so-called mental activity that can be counted as a response; although in this case we run into difficulties when we try to record the response by any objective means and between the stimulus and the response of our organism. Therefore, behavioral personality, according to Eysenck, can be formulated in the form of the following equation: “Behavioral personality = formative personality x environment” (Eysenck, 1969:20).

The ritual practice is based on the basic structure of the patient’s personality, which is a product of her culture. Culture has a past and a future from a sociological perspective, that is, it has an inherited part and an acquired part that the individual acquires from cultural patterns and institutions. As long as during the stages of development, complex superstructures accumulate that are the result of interactions and control the structure of behavioral personality.

According to social learning theory, behavior is determined by its goals. Behavior is characterized by directionality, as the individual responds to the behavior he has learned and in which he sees ways to satisfy himself in certain situations. Each individual is linked to some goals in accordance with social learning theory and specific internal circumstances. Those who advocate this theory, led by Julian Rutter (Julian Rutter et al., 1989:108), believe that deviant behavior is subject to the principles of social learning.

It became clear to the researcher through a previous field study she conducted in Khartoum State (Amal Al-Nour, 1997:20) that female patients who practice the Zar ritual rely on their goals to achieve satisfaction, or to reduce the tension that afflicts them through movement practice of a discharge nature and through emotion to appease the masters (asking for forgiveness and satisfaction) in order to achieve forgiveness and safety. In her aforementioned study, the researcher concluded that this type of mentality extends its roots to periods of past history, and is widespread not only in Sudan but also in many neighboring Arab and African countries. Maxime Rodinson had pointed out that the zar compound was widely spread in a region extending from North Africa to northeastern Africa, its eastern coast, and the Middle East (see: Constantinides, P.M. 1991: 1). In her previous study of the phenomenon of zar and the meaning of the word and its development, the researcher noted the continuous mutual influence of cultural and religious ideas and characteristics (Christianity, Islam, and traditional African beliefs). The distinctive mentality of the behavioral personality of patients who practice the Zar ritual is linked to the remnants of anime thought, which stems from the conviction that there are unnatural conditions that afflict the individual, and whose treatment requires following procedures based on the belief in the existence of a hidden force (spirits) - that can possess a person, and that can only be treated by dealing with that hidden force as entities that must be appeased - a precondition for treatment and the return of the possessed person to his normal state. The researcher had noticed, through her aforementioned field study, the extent to which these anime convictions were deeply rooted in the mentality of female patients who practiced ZAAR. This reminds us of what James Fraser said: “The primitive cannot differentiate between the natural and the supernatural, for everything in his world is personal” (American Encyclopedia, vol. 26.1966: 160-162). Levi-Brill says, “The people we mistakenly call primitives, and those who are far from us are found close to us at the same time” (Levi-Brill, D.T.: 5), and Malinowski goes on to say that “the primitive lives in a world of mysticism and rituals” (Malinowski, 1995: 22).

The actual embodiment of the anime mentality is reflected in magic, and therefore Zar is a phenomenon linked in this sense to magic in the sense of Ibn Khaldun*. Ritual practice is inherited through socialization. The field study conducted by the aforementioned researcher confirmed that 70% of the study sample members confirmed that practicing Zar does not conflict with their religious belief, and 68.3% confirmed that they belong to families with well-established traditions in Zar treatment. ·

The Zar phenomenon in the national capital has acquired the character of a popular habit, and has been transmitted from generation to generation through socialization in a traditional society without mechanical solidarity, and is controlled by a collective mind, according to Durkheim. If we look at Al-Zar based on the definition provided by Krech and Crutchield for superstition, describing it as being far from objective reality and finding it common among many members of society despite its lack of logical cause (Krech and Crutchield, 1946: 90), then we will not be exaggerating if we link it to superstition. ·

There is a functional connection between the phenomenon of Zar and cultural heritage. Zar, as one of the elements of popular belief, is affected by the cultural and social elements with which it coexists, is supported, and these elements work to continue and maintain it.  The saturation of the social milieu with magical beliefs, the frequency of stories and ideas related to them, and the intellectual practices based on them, in addition to what is mentioned about the jinn in religious texts*, lead to the individual being a carrier of that heritage and unable to escape from it. In addition, the Zar phenomenon, if we agree with the opinion that it came to Sudan from Ethiopia or West Africa, will bear heritage imprints of the societies of origin from which it came. This may be evident in the form of the practice, its characters, and the ethnic diversity expressed. Taha Baasher believes that “the Kushite tribes, after embracing Christianity and Islam, stopped believing in Al-Zar as a god of the sky, and the phenomenon of Al-Zar underwent transformations according to the two new beliefs” (Baasher, 1988). Trimingham had also pointed out in his study of Islam in Sudan that “just as the Christian religion absorbed into its system many pagan religions and musical celebrations, so Islam absorbed all the beliefs and customs of its new followers, which were impossible to eradicate” (Trimmingham, 2001:161). Therefore, the ritual performance merged between the original old and the new incoming after the former was loaded with Islamic myths, tales, formulas and phrases. This was a process of reconciliation between the old and new Islamic heritage, a license for religious sanction and acceptance of practice. Al-Tijani Al-Mahi had hinted that there is a belief that Al-Zar is a type of jinn possessed by King Solomon, who succeeded in subduing him only through singing and dancing (Al-Tijani Al-Mahi, 1949:11). Kennedy, who studied the Zar phenomenon in southern Egypt, points out the presence of Pharaonic and Coptic remains, in addition to popular Islamic practices, in the Zar rituals Kennedy, 1967: 186.

The practice of zar continued despite the fight from some clerics who relied on the Almighty’s saying, “And We send down from the Qur’an that which is a healing and a mercy for the believers, and it does not increase the wrongdoers except in loss” (Surat Al-Isra: 82). They also took Al-Razi’s description of magic as “pertaining to every matter whose cause is hidden, which is imagined to be something other than what it is, and takes place in the course of camouflage and imagination”* as justification for saying that zar is invalid. As for the deep Khaldoun contemplations on the hidden essence of magic, which Ibn Khaldun claims to have witnessed with his own eyes, “Whoever points to a garment or skin and speaks about it secretly, then it is cut and torn, and he points to the bellies of sheep in the same way in their pastures, and then their entrails fall out of their bellies” (see: Mustafa Ghaleb, 1985:14).

If we establish an analogy between the Zar ritual as a therapeutic ritual on the one hand and the history of the development of psychological treatment on the other hand, then many ancient therapeutic techniques find use in the Zar ritual. Ancient healers adopted magic as their basis, and resorted to the concepts of purification, repentance from sins, and washing. Thus, the Jewish prophets and sages say that Jehovah has given them the ability to heal diseases, and they practice treatments by purifying themselves from calamities and sins. The Gospel also tells us about Jesus Christ healing the sick and that He healed blindness and leprosy. Islamic philosophy emphasizes that strong, honorable souls approach the spiritual world. Treatment stems from the knowing and confident soul, that is, from the ability of the healer. The Illuminati recognizes the influence of transcendent souls on the cosmic elements after exercise and preparation. In this regard, Ibn Sina says in the book Al-Shifa: “The soul often influences another body, just as the influence of the naked eye and the working illusion influences the body of itself. Rather, if the soul is strong and honorable and similar to the highest principles, the element in the world obeys it and separates from it and finds in the element what is imagined in it” (Mustafa Ghalib, 1985:39). It can be concluded from these ideas of Ibn Sina that illusion and faith have an effect on the “body of the soul,” in addition to the effect of the pious, honorable, and knowledgeable soul on other bodies. It is inspiration and illusion itself. Al-Ghazali says in this context, “The effect of some souls may extend to another body. The soul may be corrupted by delusion and the person may be killed by delusion” (Mustafa Ghalib, 1985:4).

Taha Baasher (1975:566) points out that at the beginning of the fourteenth century, magical and superstitious practices began to creep into medical services, and cross-fertilization took place between Islamic culture and Asian and African cultures. From this therapeutic heritage, many of the therapeutic elements in the Zar rituals were derived, including purification, ablution, forgiveness, and the approval of the masters, and the authority and power of the healing sheikha, the power of will, the ability to entice, and to seek blessing through means, whether symbols, words, clothing, or dancing practice, in order to seek the approval of the masters.

The practice of the Zar ritual in Sudan has fluctuated between prohibition and permission. The ban was always accompanied by the religious state, as it banned the practice in Mahdia, but it reappeared after the demise of the Mahdist state. The ban also came again with the era of salvation, but this time it was a ban that depended on the necessity of obtaining a permit from the popular committees, which required adherence to some restrictions in the practice, such as a ban on drinking blood and wine, and so on. The researcher noticed the tendency to write Qur’anic verses on the interior walls of the ceremony venue, and the practice began to stop during prayer times. However, despite all this, the practice of zar remains, showing an ability to adapt to social changes, and a number of psychiatrists even point out its usefulness, although Taha Baasher describes it as an art on the way out (Baasher, 1988), but Susan Kenyon points out that the practice of zar is a phenomenon subject to modernization (Kenyon Susan, 1995), while Harez believes that zar has turned into a kind of forum (Hurriez, 1988). What is striking is that it is no longer apparent to poor women and the uneducated, but rather it has infected large numbers of educated women who suffer from a sense of the limited role in social life (Saunders, 1977; Zubaydah, 1991).

It is worth noting that the field study referred to: It showed that a high percentage of educated women, 40% of the sample, are all Muslims and understand Islam’s position on such rituals, but it seems that the superstitious mentality continues to dominate their thinking, such that they easily surrender to the idea of ​​zar once crises occur. This can be explained by what Levi-Brill said: “The actual habit does not disappear all at once before another habit tries to replace it. Rather, the two habits remain together for a long time without the individual feeling their conflict, and it may happen that the new habit does not completely erase the old habit” (Levi-Brill, D.T.: 148).

Taylor attributed the survival of magic to four reasons cited by Raymond Firth:

First: Some of the facts sought from magic are either due to something other than magic, or because of what the magician does, or because of the medications used;

Second: Using deception;

Third: The cases in which magic succeeds are taken into account more than the cases in which it fails.

Fourth: The belief that there are things related to the effects of magic that create defenses for themselves against attacks directed at them.

Raymond Firth believes that the reason for the distribution of magic and other forms in various societies is that anthropology or psychology cannot explain this clearly yet (Raymond Firth, 1989: 120-121).

As for psychologists, William James, when describing the area of ​​the unconscious or its contents that affect behavior, pointed out that “it becomes clear to us that it is the largest area we have, that it is the seat of the secrets and that it contains anything that is fleeting, unrecorded or unnoticed. It contains, for example, forgotten memories, our instructions, our fantasies, our troubles, our intuitions, our desires, our likes and dislikes... our superstitions, our convictions, our beliefs, and everything that is irrational.” We find it in it” (Gustav Jahoda, 1969: 53).

As for magic, in Freud’s theory, it is a psychological disease that affects some people in some societies. Freud sees it as a kind of regression to primitive thought or a childhood stage, and in this way it is a regressive symptom. This is while Jung, in his view of the human soul as an integrated unit of feeling (consciousness) and unconsciousness (unconscious), attributes magic to the unconscious, which contains types of psychological repression, in addition to the ability and driving force for a person to adapt to his life in general, which is the force that unleashes the power of imagination and organizes it in the manner that appears in the forms of popular expression. We find this clearly in Jung’s statement that the unconscious “consists of two elements: the superficial layer, which I call the individual unconscious, which is a layer based on another, deeper layer, which does not belong to personal experience, and is not acquired by the person, but rather is innate and inherited. The latter I called the collective unconscious. I chose the word “collective” because this part of the unconscious is not individual but universal, and reflects personal psychological forces, and therefore the contents of the latter and their patterns of behavior are present in all individuals.” (Jung,C.G.,1969: 43). Jung continues, addressing the contents of the collective and individual unconscious, saying, “Most of the components of the personal unconscious are the complexes that were in consciousness and have been repressed and forgotten, but the contents of the collective unconscious were never in consciousness, and therefore the individual did not acquire them. Rather, their existence is entirely due to heredity. The components of the collective unconscious are archetypes that contain primitive, tribal, traditional (acquired through experience) knowledge that is related to With primitive patterns that are no longer part of the contents of the unconscious; rather, they have turned into an emotional equation that has been inherited generally according to tradition and in the form of special lessons prepared for a specific group, esoteric teaching, and the latter is an ideal means of expressing the transmission of collective contents originally taken from the unconscious” (Jung, C.G., 1969: 5).

As for spirits and ghosts, in Jung’s view, their source lies in the collective unconsciousness. “They are compounds of the collective unconsciousness that appear when the individual loses his connection with reality and are therefore either morbid fantasies or vague ideas” (Jung, C.G., 1956: 515).

Gustav Jahoda points out in his book on the psychology of myth that despite the differences between the views of Freud and Jung on myth, we find that there is something in common between them, as they both see that superstitious beliefs and practices are implanted in the unconscious mental processes and that myth is not a thing of the past and does not exist except among the least educated people. In fact, myth is part and parcel of the mental makeup of every individual and tends to appear on the surface in special cases. Jahoda believes that these theories were formulated based on the history of the therapeutic cases of their patients. Above all, both Freud and Jung emphasized the element of emotion in myth, which helps us understand the fact that when we confront the superstitious person with contradictory or contradictory information, little change always appears (69: Gustav Jahoda, 1969).

The truth is that myth and belief are deeply rooted in the mental structure of female patients who practice zar, which is proven by the aforementioned field study, which the researcher conducted earlier. Theoretically, the explanation for this lies, according to Jahoda, in the following: “If the superstition is the result of an error in perception, memory, or judgment, then it is possible to correct it; but people do not easily get rid of such errors through rational discussion. If the superstition was designed by social pressures, we expect it to disappear when the pressures that caused it end, but there are individuals who cling strongly to their superstitions, and it seems as if they have roots in the structure of their personalities” (Gustav Jahoda, 1969).

In our diverse, multi-ethnic and multi-cultural Sudanese society, the personality is subject to an environment shaped by this reality, which is filled with mixed African and Arab cultural currents. What the Nigerian researcher Nketia said may apply to Sudan: “Our cultural situation is complex and is basically characterized by dualism, old and new, African and non-African. Dualism takes place during the organization of our society. There are the illiterate and the illiterate, the educated and the uneducated, the rural and the urban, industrial and pre-industrial groups. This is the summary of the social cultural structure, and we see its repercussions in our world with our conflicts and tension” (Nketia, J.H.K., 1964). Anyone who contemplates the terrain of the Sudanese cultural map notices the ethnic and cultural diversity and multiplicity, notices the mixing between the local and the foreign since the civilizations that preceded the arrival of Christianity and Islam*, and notices the lion’s share of Arab-Islamic culture and the expansion of migration in all directions. If we look closely at “the threads of Zar” we find the thread of dervishes and righteous saints, and we notice that Zar is influenced by Sufi orders, or vice versa. Orientalist Louis Guardia believes that Sufism until the eleventh century AD was not characterized by a festive, dancing nature, accompanied by rhythm, drums, and tambourines. The Mawlawiyyah (Dervishes and their dancing in dhikr circles), founded by Maulana Jalal al-Din Rumi, was one of the most famous orders (Louis Guardia, 1992: 261-262). Here, we remember what Rumi said: “Whoever knows the abilities of dancing will be consumed by himself, because he will realize how dancing leads to annihilation.” Sufism mixed with other practices, as Louis Gardet says: “The Sufi orders began to search for spiritual conditions at any cost, and they became infected with African animism or shamanism, the yoga of the body, and Hindu tantrism. Sometimes it is considered a valid means of achieving trance trance” (Louis Gardet, 1992: 261-262). Perhaps this is what happened to the Sufism that came to Sudan, and its mixing with the local to form a new complex of practice that mixed with practices of African origin (percussion with tambourines, Nubia, and Tar). We find the presence of these rhythms in the Zar rituals, especially in the threads of saints and nobles. ·¨

Al-Gawhary (Muhammad Al-Gawhary, 1980, “Madat Zar”) mentioned that the Zar celebration in Egypt is sometimes called Dhikr or Hazrat*, confirming that in this celebration no customs or dances that conflict with the Islamic religion are practiced. As for Sudan, the researcher Shams al-Din al-Senussi confirms, “The classes of Arabs coming to Sudan were not from the wealthy classes, so the Sufis came into contact with the common people and knew their customs and traditions, and entered the hearts with tolerance and intermarried with them, which led to a natural marriage between the Sharia and customs that descended from traditional and Christian beliefs... They were not satisfied with prayer, but rather introduced additions to worship such as rhythm and expressive movements, and they are a group that they lack.” deep religious culture so they found a response” (Shamsh al-Din al-Senussi 1998:31-45).

Another aspect in which we notice the similarity between the ritual practice of Zar and Sufi practice is the focus on the will and the ignition of emotions. Abu Al-Ala Al-Afifi (1948:3-8) mentions that Sufism considered the will, not the mind, to be the essence of divinity. Will is the beginning and end point, and through it one is approached to God. The Sufi says, “I will, therefore I exist.” Sufism is a manifestation of will and conscience, and not the work of the conscious mind. The union of the human will with emotion leads to transcending the world of sense and reason. Emotion plays a dangerous role in the Sufi experience, and to it the manifestations of absorption return. And inclusion and annihilation, and Abu Al-Ala describes it as “a power that, if the light of faith shines in it and clears away its veil, divine knowledge is reflected in it and what is within it is revealed.” The focus on will and emotion in the Zar ritual is embodied by the sheikha’s effects on paralyzing the patient’s will, making her like dough that can be molded, by using all the ritual atmosphere and what it contains of inciting the patient’s emotions with all available means: from inspiration, rhythm, incense, and singing, until she reaches states of unconsciousness. What confirms the relationship between the ritual practice of Zār and Sufism is: We find in areas of Sudan where the Islamic belief does not prevail, practices that are dominated by animistic nature, such as Kujur, in which ritual celebrations of a dance nature are held; Either to set seeds and harvest or to ward off diseases. We can summarize by saying that the cultural blending is clearly visible in the diversity of the materials used and the jewelry. Ethnic diversity appears in the threads of the Arabs, the Takarir, the Nubians, the Zarqa, and the Abyssinians, and the religious diversity is evident in the threads of the Christians and Dervishes. ·

It is known that personality is (in general) a set of mental, physical, emotional and social characteristics. Which distinguishes a person from others according to the common definition of personality, as the dynamic organization that lies within the individual and which organizes all the bodily systems that dictate to the individual his special character in adapting to behavior and thinking. In comparison with this definition, it is possible to acknowledge what is known as the national personality, which is characterized by the national character, which, in the opinion of both “English and English,” represents the relatively stable personal characteristics that are most present and widespread in a particular nation (English & English, 1958).

There is no doubt that the practice of zar is subject to a dynamic organization, with its own psychological, physical and physiological characteristics and motivations, and has its own national character distinct from the structure of the personality in its environment. The researcher believes that the structure of female patients who practice Zar rituals is not far from the characteristics with which Faraj Abdel Qader described the Arab personality, which he divided into characteristics of an emotional nature and others of an intellectual nature, referring to the first traits and characteristics in which the emotional and sentimental side prevails, characterized by heat, intensity, and overcoming, and also by identifying with the aggressor and adopting his characteristics and emulating him (Faraj Taha, 1992: 60-65). All these characteristics find their impact in the characters of Zar threads. The field study conducted by the researcher, referred to previously, showed that the practitioner of zār unites her personality with the aggressor, through her impersonation of authoritarian figures such as the Pasha, the Khwaja, Menelik, King of Abyssinia, and Al-Hakimpasha. She also takes on characters of a violent nature, as an expression of the patient's crisis reality, such as the blue thread and the kendo tiger thread. Faraj Taha describes the Arab character with unity of feelings and strength of bonds, which can be observed in the collective zar ritual. As for the characteristics of an intellectual nature, Faraj Taha describes them as the dominance of metaphysical thinking, illiteracy, and the control of the captive mind*. The life of the individual in traditional societies is full of contradiction and ambiguity. On the one hand, there is extremism in rejection to the point of practicing violence, and on the other hand, there is surrender, which for some reaches the point of relying on amulets, incantations, and the intercession of saints. On the third hand, we find the need for knowledge by resorting to doctors along with returning to the traditional old. It is the oscillation between the inherited and the acquired, or in other words, the retreat of the self to its roots, as one of the methods of compensating for the inadequacy of the current organization of this self in the age of communications and information. In the words of Farag Taha, “The individual, through his defense mechanisms, turns into a rejector; he aims to avoid acknowledging that he is rejected” (Faraj Taha, 1992: 60-65).

The social system is driven by unconscious collective conflicts, and the unconscious is an essential element in understanding and interpreting the unseen worlds (Ali Ziour, 1982:11). The social and unseen unconscious are factors that have an impact on the education and behavior of the individual, and the human being is not only an individual but rather a group of social and spiritual relationships, and the healthier those relationships are, the more psychologically healthy the individual is. Ziour points out that the mentality saturated with superstition and non-causality is prepared to accept belief in the individual, and it also enhances emotionality in behavior and judgments, and there are not sufficient factors that work to enhance objective thinking and organize relationships into structures and systems accurately, tightly and rationally, in isolation from subjectivities and desires, and devoid of emotions and belief in superstition and magic. Ziour also points out that spoken language, filled with non-scientific expressions charged with emotions, leads speech, as unconsciousness hinders our knowledge of ourselves. “We do not say that unconsciousness is a biological inheritance... it is linked to institutions, parallels them and forms a social-institutional inheritance, and is accompanied by family fluctuations through socialization, diverse linguistic and expressive inheritance, discourse, and intensities of communication and communication” (Ali Ziour, 1982:11).

Another aspect revolves around education in Sudanese society, which is (so to speak) an education that is oppressive to women. In psychology, suppression is referred to as the temporary, voluntary exclusion of motives from the realm of feeling, or it is self-control by preventing motives or emotions from expressing themselves explicitly. It is an unconscious process controlled by the mind. The oppression is transmitted and contagious (the oppressed person identifies with his oppressor). The father is domineering, the older brother is oppressive and tyrannical, and the mother pushes him to exercise more tyranny and aggression. In our society, the woman is the caring mother, the obedient wife to whom the husband finds comfort and familiarity, the comforter who brings shame, the one lacking in reason and religion, created from the ribs of a man. In this sense, she suffers from the conflict of her roles, which is expressed (as the researcher noted) in the threads of Al-Zar, which reflect conflict and rebellion against the situation. Perhaps this results from the African influence on the ritual practice of Zar. Anthropologist Max Klockman had spoken about African rituals as part of customs, and he had hinted that rituals were less common in Muslim African societies. He pointed out that African rituals are organized in most cases to display rebellion and protest, and emphasize the conflict between the practitioners of those rituals. He gives an example of the wife in Zulu society as being both (blessed) and (dangerous) at the same time, a carrier of the power of evil when she has menstruation. She becomes an evil that threatens crops, cows, and warriors through supernatural means by turning into a witch who harms others, and a carrier of the power of good by giving birth to children. In his belief, African rituals are nothing but permissible and encouraged protest (Max Gluckman, 1973).

Ritual behavior can be interpreted as a rebellion and protest against the existing situation, a rebellion that has its legitimacy according to customs and traditions. Thus, we find that society and women's attitudes both control women's behavior and force them to suppress the aggression within them. Therefore, it is permissible to consider the expressive practice in the Zar ritual as a form of activity aimed at highlighting that rebellion (the return of the repressed) and diving into the depths of subconscious memories and suffering from forces, in the hope that it will find an outlet in hallucinatory fantasies to satisfy its desires.

* Symbolism from a psychoanalytic perspective

Symbolism, from the perspective of psychoanalysis in its broad sense, “is a method of indirect and metaphorical depiction of an unconscious idea, conflict, or desire. In this sense, we can count every alternative formation as symbolic” (Encyclopedia Americana 1966: 161-162). According to this definition, the practice of zār may be considered a symbolic expression of desires or a specific crisis. In the mind of the patient, the practice is linked to memories latent in her subconscious. It may also be the product of an associative imperative that embodies an event linked to the causes of the disease. The symbol here, despite its manifestation, is a mute and unconscious element. One cannot formulate its implications and refer it to the field of the symbol, “the field of phantoms” in Freud’s words, or “the field of archaeological models of the collective unconscious” in Jung’s words.

Freud sees the symbol as a representation of repressed, usually subconscious materials. The dream is nothing but an expression or tendency that has not been expressed. Some patterns of behavior (slip of the tongue, identification, and sublimation) are symbols of things that the patient wants to cover up. Perhaps, from this standpoint, ritual practice represents repressed matters that are expressed in identification and sublimation through escape, expressive dance, and emotional movements, which may indicate active psychological states.

Gustav Jung supports Freud in that dreams have symbols, but for his part he gives dreams meanings that do not necessarily have to be sexual. In Jung’s opinion, dreams represent the social life of the group, and he then attributes them to the collective unconscious, defining a symbol as “a term, name, or image that may be familiar in daily life, and is characterized by an implicit meaning in addition to its clear, direct meaning, and involves ambiguous, unknown or hidden things. The implied meaning means that the image or word has an unconscious appearance that is difficult to define or explain accurately... and when the mind tries to explore it, it leads to ideas beyond the limits of mind” (Jung, C.G. et al. 1978: 3-4). Jung asserts that there is a conscious and subconscious awareness of reality. Dealing with real phenomena (sounds, sights, etc.) enables us to translate the phenomenon from the world of reality to the world of the mind, and it is transformed in the mind into psychological events, the ultimate nature of which is unknown as long as the soul does not realize its psychological substance. Therefore, every experiment contains an unlimited number of unknown factors.

Jung (Jung, C.G.et al. 1978: 82-83) divides symbols into two types: natural and cultural. Natural ones are those that derive from the derivatives of the unconscious, and represent a number of primitive patterns and their perceptions. The cultural ones are the ones that are used to express eternal truths, the ones that are still used in most religions, and the ones that have undergone many transformations to become collective fantasies accepted by civilized societies, and they arouse deep emotion in some individuals and are considered a psychological factor. Jung considers this last type important for mental structure, and suppressing or neglecting it leads to the disappearance of its energy into the unconscious, where it becomes active, flourishes, and intensifies intensely to find its manifestation in desires or in unconscious tendencies, which may find an opportunity to express themselves or become dormant. It is these tendencies that constitute a permanent, latent and destructive presence (the shadow) of the conscious mind. If the latter are suppressed and not given the opportunity to exert a positive influence, they can turn into demons. Perhaps the ritual practice of zar represents a form of providing the opportunity to discharge these tendencies, which Jung called “energy canalisation.” In this regard, Calvin and others believe that the symbol, for Jung, is more than just a concealment or deception of the symbol. Symbols are transformations of primitive motives. They are flowing channels for emptying libidinal instincts with spiritual and cultural values. Dancing, for example, is not a substitute for sexual activity but rather means something more than that (Calvin et al., 1973: 115).

Ernest Jones distinguished between symbolism in its broad sense, which, in his view, could mean all cultural development; And the true symbolism that arises on the basis of a mutual psychological struggle between latent impulses and repressed impulses. What is repressed is what takes on a symbolic form, which needs to be encoded. Encoding is an unconscious process that indicates that what has been repressed remains outside the framework of sublimation. The alternatives remaining in the dream and the disease symptoms are examples of how the symbol is formulated. True symbolism is not understood by reference to social laws and traditions, but rather in light of the person’s own experience (Abdel Moneim Hanafi, 1994: 864).

Hilgard (1971: 270-271) attempts to clarify the difference between symbolic excitement and ordinary excitement. In his belief, symbolic arousal results in appropriate responses to other unrelated stimuli (such as the word poison, which symbolizes danger, which we understand by meaning and which does not exist in the word). Hilgard divided symbolic meaning into two categories: significant meaning, which defines something that can be referred to; Meanings that contain additional content, which accompany the semantic meaning of many words that contain emotional meanings, are generally used to express a type of evaluation or preference and differ from one individual to another. Hillegaard used the semantic differential measure, and found that additional meaning is used according to three dimensions: an evaluative dimension, an activity dimension, and a power dimension. Thus, according to Hillegaard, a symbol can carry additional meanings other than its direct meaning, which is a meaning that has dimensions that can be interpreted in light of it in terms of value, activity, and strength. *

Some psychologists believe that there is a possibility of symbolization through the movement of the body that is stored in the early years of childhood, an experience that may come to the surface from the depths of unconsciousness and be seen in the movement of the body, and it symbolizes what is known only physically, despite the difficulty of subjecting it to analysis. Among the most important of these scientists were Klein, Winnicott, and Milner, who described the physical manifestation of the symbol creation process, which in turn contributes to the growth and integration of the ego (Klein, 1930; Winnicott, 1951; Milner, 1952). Klein pointed out that the communicative capacity of coding begins to form through friction and the child’s relationship with his mother and his body. The imaginings that the body feels during this period are representations of natural instincts. Ulanov (1985) stated that Jung and Klein emphasized the power inherent in the childish imagination that accompanies the child from birth, and they believe that the roots of psychological life are planted in physical experience.

As for Winnicott (1975), he assumed that the child’s inner reality grows through the complexities of the uncomplicated imagination, through the relationship with the body, its sensations, and its functions (the bodily self). He believed that the continuous strengthening of the physical self occurs through the child’s relationship with his mother, which helps in creating a safe physical image for the development of a sense of identity. Winnicott (1971) also pointed out that there are many factors that seem to contribute to acquiring the ability to use symbolic expression and the sense of containment and protection, which provides the opportunity to form the symbolic world in which image, feeling, and emotions are interconnected. In the same context, Winnicott (1986) suggests that the fear of rupture that the adult individual suffers from is a fear of regressing to the state of rupture and lack of integration that he experienced because it was an experience that was physically carried in physical memory.

Segal (1991) emphasized that symbols not only exercise control over communicative capacity but also over communication with others, and form the basis of linguistic thinking, whether for apparent behavior, transformation, or unconscious products such as dreams and active imagination. The analysis in this case seeks to understand the symbolic meaning and its similarity with the emotional dimension of the complex that is to be analysed.

Newton and Redferan (1977) hypothesized that the relationship between the ego and the you that develops between a mother and her son and the friction between them is a preparatory stage for the growth of the relationship between the ego and the unconscious, thus preparing the ground for the emergence of symbolic activity. For the emerging child, behavior and experience are influenced and determined by archetypal ideas.

Zar rituals are characterized by ambiguity and ambiguity, as they are based on symbolic communication and hidden behavior to express the conflict with spirits (masters). William Howells, when studying shamanic rituals, described practices that had some similarity to the distinctive practices of the Zar and stated that “symbolic behavior in shamanic practices is a kind of completion of the system of ideas and symbols for the same situation, which means bridging the gap or loophole in the lives of these practitioners in a way that enables the elimination of the illusion, worry, and anxiety that plague the lives of the practitioners” (William Howells, 1965:330).

The symbolism in the Zar ritual begins with the sanctity of time, as the ritual of “locking the boxes” takes place on the 27th of Rajab through a celebration known as “Rajabiya.” The practice of Zar continues until after the Ramadan Eid. The ritual of closing the boxes usually takes place in the home of the Sheikha of Zar, with all her patients invited. As for the sanctity of the place, it is evident in the prevailing tradition of holding Zār celebrations in specific places, such as the sheikh’s home, the patient’s home, or the home of one of the patient’s friends, provided that the friend is a Zār practitioner. The place is decorated with many symbols specific to the pilgrim (inscriptions of verses from the Qur’an, some various drawings, etc.). ·

*  Ritual practice is symbolic expressive behavior

Symbolic expressivity in common language is the process of translating one essence into another essence, the character of which is observable. This study is concerned with defining expression from the perspective of customs and ethics. The Encyclopedia of Psychology indicates that expressive activities are gestures, rituals, and bodily postures called expressive movements that “exercise a signaling function within the framework of the social activities of a particular gender. These behaviors may be organized into real systems that carry distinct connotations, and can therefore be analyzed as symbols of communication... Expressive behaviors can then be considered incidents of non-verbal communication, and the role they play in the various forms of interaction of a group can be analyzed” (Roland Durand and François Yared,1997:451-453).

Expressive practice carries within it different types of symbolism, and it is permissible to consider them as non-speaking symbols of communication. There are colour, melody, rhythm, clothing, movement, sacrifice, the table (miz in the Zar language), jewelry, and the Zar band led by the treating Sheikha. In the general psychological perspective, most schools apply, in the words of Roland Durand and François Yared, the term symbolic expressivity to “cognizable manifestations of emotions or other internal states (gestures, physical preparations, crying, screaming, trembling, etc.). These behaviors are described as indicators that reflect either an underlying emotional state (tension, frustration), or a specific personality trait. This is while associative psychology sees symbolic expression as a response.” Resulting from excitation as a result of muscular contractions commanded by excitations of the nervous system, the intensity of emotion may be translated into excitation of relative intensity that produces muscular contraction and thus expressive behavior” (Roland Durand and François Yared, 1979).

The study concerns the expression that manifests itself through the movements and emotions that take the body as their stage, through the practice of dancing accompanied by rhythms. By bodily expression, he means “a set of body techniques that are generally collective and based on an idea. It is important to liberate the forces and behaviors that are suppressed by social pressure, especially religion, and which are supposed to be hidden in the body. These techniques are widespread in psychological, therapeutic, and educational circles*” (Roland Durand and François Yared, 1997).

Much research has confirmed that the forms of expression of emotions are comprehensive, and that what changes with culture are only the rules of their release and management (Roland Durand and François Yared, 1997). Morgan and others have demonstrated that the creative act that stimulates the malleable expression of actual patients can sometimes reach an artistic level that enriches investigations of psychopathology and stimulates the trend toward recovery. The ideas of phenomenologists and psychoanalysts about the relationship of art to the psychological state have also led psychiatrists and psychologists to allocate places where their patients can pay attention to the arts (Roland Durand and François Yared, 1997). Based on the above, we can say that movement practice in the festive atmosphere of the Zar ritual is those behaviors that carry a distinct symbolic significance, and can be treated as non-verbal communication incidents, and reflect a psychological state, whether from the perspective of habit science or associative psychology. That is, they have conditional associations in the mentality of the practicing patient, and they may also carry implicit meanings... They are not cries of emotion or random movements emanating only from objects, but rather they are fantasies filled with a symbolic format created by a being in a field broader than the field of language. Perhaps Abbas Al-Akkad was right when he said, “Art is an expression in which we notice the motives before we notice the ends.” He goes on to say, “Life has two inseparable aspects: an influence from the outside to the inside, which is sensation, and a response from the inside to the outside, which is expression” (Zakaria Ibrahim, 1966: 313). The expressive, symbolic dance practice and the feeling of everything contained in the material ritual atmosphere, supported by her belief in this practice and its effectiveness, can be considered as relationships of the soul that transform obstacles into means of liberation and unleashing the imagination to infinite limits.

However, if we shed more light on these expressions and their variations, we find a crucible of social cultural diversity. There are threads of the daughters of Abyssinia, the righteous saints, the Arabs, the Nuba, the Takarir, the Christians, the Khawaja...etc. (Amal Al-Nour, 1997: 229-257) The practice has its various expressive forms, as we find examples of identification, taking refuge with the righteous saints, identifying with their personalities, covering themselves with their clothes, and assuming their roles... “Identification is a psychological process through which one represents the appearances, characteristics, or qualities of another person, and completely transforms according to his model” (Jean Laplanche and Pontalis, 1997). Thus, we find the patient practicing the fornication identifying with the “Abyssinian woman” who embodies the spirit of the prostitute in her permissibility of the forbidden in her behavior... and the practice in this thread establishes the basis of violating the forbidden and liberation from repressed instincts... a practice through which the body overflows as it expands outward. Perhaps this represents escaping the contents of the unconscious and the control of the ego... “the return of the repressed.” The movements in this thread are characterized by a kind of nudity, immorality, and debauchery, and its music and rhythms are characterized by lightness, which gives the practicing patient the opportunity to express sexual repression and deprivation by releasing her emotions through the captivating atmosphere of an all-female society, which helps to disrupt moral controls and eliminates the feeling of sin... The “super-ego” of the patient practicing adultery is disrupted and is replaced by the personality of the tolerant sheikha, which allows her to get rid of social restrictions. She was committed, urging her to display the charms of her body and express her emotions with complete freedom. This is how the practice was motivated to strengthen her sense of her body and think about it, trying to get rid of the domination imposed on this body, that is, as Abbas Makki says: “The woman’s body was and still is a rich material for legislation and determining what is forbidden and what is permitted regarding the body’s movements, expressions, and requirements, according to socially acceptable patterns, that is, according to the patterns of interest of the tyrant who owns this body” (Abbas Makki, 1947:117). In fact, the thread of “Luliya Al-Habashiya” is close to Mustafa Hijazi’s description that “when the body escapes and expresses its energies and desires freely, the person escapes tyranny and oppression” (Mustafa Hijazi, 1989:225).

We also see in the Zar ritual a form of identification with the aggressor, which is reflected in the patient assuming authoritarian roles (the Hakim Pasha, the Pasha, Menelik, King of Abyssinia, the Khawaja, etc.). In this type of strings, the dancing movements are characterized by expressions that reflect the arrogant behaviors of such authoritarian figures, and the audience responds to the patient by standing and saluting her as she moves as a dancer with arrogance and arrogance. There is no doubt that the practice of this type of zar thread is linked to the hypothesis of deprivation and compensation, which is based on the principle that sexual discrimination against women generates the need and the ability to compensate in these emotions and empathy. Men’s enjoyment of social life roles outside the home must be accompanied by compensation in women’s ritual roles by rejecting their feminine role. Identification with the aggressor is characterized by “imitating the personality of the aggressor and adopting his characteristics, and by imitating his aggression, he transforms himself from the person who is the subject of the threat to the person who is the source of the threat” (Anna Freud, 1972: 119). These zar threads are similar to the Zulu ritual described by Max Kluckmann, where women reverse their roles and perform the work of men. Gluckman explains this as permissible and permissible rebellion, and expresses rebellion, conflict, and protest, as previously mentioned (Max Gluckman: 1973: 112). The practice of zār can be viewed as an unconscious defensive behavior, which becomes conscious at the moment of practice, which is numbed by the force of suggestive urgency, a behavior emanating from repressed things. Laplanche defines repression as a process through which a person aims to push the perceptions (thoughts, images, and memories) associated with the whim into the unconscious and keep them there (Jean Laplanche and Pontalis, 1997: 416). Repression has harmful effects, including splitting the personality or resorting to devious methods to relieve tension. It is an uneconomical process that involves a waste of energy. It is repressed events charged with strong emotions that force the individual to engage in abnormal types of apparent behavior resulting from complexes and repressed inhibitions. Among the characteristics of repressed behavior is compulsive and obsessive behavior, which are two sides of the same coin, that is, behavior that occurs against the will of the individual. It is abnormal and symbolic behavior that results from suppression of motives and prevention of explicit expression. Which makes the individual resort to expression in a symbolic way “because the process of symbolization allows what is repressed to evade censorship” (Jean Laplanche and Pontalis, 1997: 271). *

In expressive practice, we notice patterns of both types of aggressive behavior: harming oneself (masochism) and harming others (sadism). Kraftt Ebing defined sadism as the feeling of pleasure of the senses, even lust, which is a feeling resulting from operations of humiliation, humiliation, punishment, and cruelty practiced on another person. This term is also given to performing actions that suit this desire. As for masochism, he saw it as the opposite side. While sadism remains the infliction of pain and violence, masochism aims to bear pain and aspires to be a victim of acts of violence. The masochist is dominated by the idea of ​​being completely subject to the will of another being, the idea of ​​being considered a despicable and humiliated individual. In the case of sadism and masochism, these images are accompanied by a feeling of euphoria, and the person suffering from one of these two diseases feeds on his dreams and often strives to achieve them. It may happen that these two deviations combine in the same person to the point that it is difficult to classify the condition (Fausto Antonini, 1989:71). In the Zar threads, we notice a model of both sadism and masochism. In the Zarq thread, for example, we find a manifestation of masochistic behavior, as the movements of this thread are characterized by violence, cruelty, and self-harm, and it is accompanied by tools that express its nature associated with violence (knives, axes, spears, fire, etc.). One of the most violent dances of this thread is the stitch dance, where during the practice the patient sits on the ground on her knees in a position similar to kneeling, and sways violently forward and backward, right and left, hitting her right elbow at times and the left at other times against a rock thrown in front of her until blood flows from both elbows. Another of the dances of this thread is a dance in which the patient beats herself with a leather whip, or carries burning coals that she turns over in her palms. These movements in the blue thread reflect the patient's severe suffering, which reaches the point of inflicting harm on herself in a masochistic manner. As for the kendo tiger thread, we find a manifestation of sadistic behavior, as the patient covers herself with the skin of the wild tiger, pursues the children present at the party, and bites them. Aggression, whether against oneself or against others, is a response in which a person responds to disappointment and deprivation by attacking the source of disappointment, or perhaps it is aggression that represents a projection of the death instinct (according to the school of psychoanalysis), or aggression through which “the will to power and control over others” is manifested (Adler). It may also be interpreted as energy seeking the complete discharge of the excitatory flux in order to create balance (Gestaltion).

We notice in the Zar ritual a form of expression of narcissism that is reflected in the thread called “Girls’ Thread,” some of whose dances are characterized by the character of folk dances, whose movements are characterized by a narcissistic view through experiencing the practice, and she dances for her body and herself. Zar allows her to display her beauty, grace, clothing, and adornment.. “The dancer’s thoughts go beyond thinking about sex, as she needs more space when dancing than when walking, and thus projecting The self in space becomes more difficult, so that dancing leads to a change in body image... This change represents in itself a therapeutic goal” (Annie Reshko, 1990: 43-44). There are practices in the Zar rituals that reflect the fear of illness or death, which is reflected in the thread called the Thread of Education. A sick woman who complains of seeing dead people in her dreams may be seized with fear of death... “Sick fear is the fear that afflicts a person, and it manifests itself in the form of fear of death and dread of annihilation” (Asaad Rizk, 1993:119). *

The expressive practice of zār contains a number of threads, each of which is linked to a specific disease. Therefore, the researcher noticed that some of the practicing patients imagine the disease in connection with the symptoms that the specific thread affects. This may be, in the researcher’s opinion, a type of delusion of hypochondria, which is a type of obsession that takes over a person, and creates in him extreme anxiety about his health such that he believes he is suffering from a certain pain or illness, and the delusion reaches the point of exaggerating the seriousness of the imaginary pain or illness, so he is obsessed with the disease (Asaad Rizk, 1992: 89).

* Hysterical behavior

The hysterical behavior in the Zar ritual is reflected in the fear of spirits that afflicts the patient, who becomes agitated and irritable, bringing her to the point of coma. Resorting to hysterical behavior can be explained as a defensive mechanism, which Guilford (1975:672) sees as a result of the presence of several responses that tend to compensate, or as a result of conflict, and the defensive mechanism is used for harmony and adaptation. It is known that hysteria exerts an impact on the senses, visceral sensitivity, and the motor system, and sometimes leads to a disintegration of the personality system. Some scholars interpret spirits in a scientific manner, attributing it to partial mental divisions (multiple personalities, fantasies, delusions, and accompanying mental images) that dominate the mind of the patient who is physically exhausted by the rituals, and lead him to a type of hallucination. The exhausted patient, immersed in ritual noise, is plagued by delusions created by the mind itself, which represent an outlet for the contents of the subconscious. Hallucinations depict the patient's psychological needs, motives, and desires, and occur at moments when attention is weakened. Sadler depicted hallucination and delusion as a stage connected to imagination (albeit independent in itself) and a means of the human mind! There is no doubt that there is a group of people who have an overflowing faculty of delusion; Until their personalities became divorced from reality, this actually exists among neurotics, hysterics, and others who practice spiritual rituals (Sadler, 1964:33).

We can interpret the behavior issued in these practices as stemming from psychological and social motives and needs, or interpret it according to the school of psychoanalysis “the principle of pleasure and pain,” while we see the Gestaltists saying that the living organism tends to maintain a state of balance in its relationship with the physical and social environment. If the balance is disturbed by a state of tension, the individual rushes with a type of apparent behavior to restore balance (for example, hysterical behavior and seeking sympathy).

Among the findings that the researcher reached in her master’s thesis is that dance and emotion are considered two defensive (or escape) movements in expressive movements. This is done through the process of emptying through movements and emotions, which can be considered as a cleansing of the patient's psyche. The emotion resulting from ritual practice includes a cognitive aspect, because physiological changes alone do not cause emotion, as it requires a cognitive assessment of the state of the stimulus. Knowledge begins with perception and evaluation, and as a result of this evaluation, emotion occurs, and the expression of emotion patterns occurs through physiological responses that follow the inclination felt by the patient practicing the ritual, and this represents the perceptual, cognitive, and evaluative aspect of the patient performing the ritual; Because of her belief in the possibility of luring the spirit that possessed her in an effort to please her and establish bonds of peace and harmony with her. Therefore, these rituals represent for the patient a main strategy to secure herself, ward off the danger that threatens her, and banish her constant fear.

Expressive practices also contain signs of transference and subtraction of the patient’s suffering that the sheikh accepts, and we know that this term means “the process by which unconscious desires are embodied by being poured out on some topics, within the framework of a pattern of relationship that exists with these topics, the most prominent of which is the analytical relationship” (Jean Laplanche and Pontalis, 1979: 574). This hypothesis was supported by Elizabeth Mawson, who said: “As for the rituals practiced in the case of demonic possession, for example, Zar, we notice that these treatments have a purifying effect, and we also notice signs of the shift that can be seen occurring in the videotapes” (Elizabeth Mawson, 1992: 79-80). In summary, the patient may regain her balance by eliminating the spasms while dancing hysterically in a festive atmosphere with a symbolic context.

* The symbolic context of ritual practice

Ceremonial dance practice as an art is full of diverse expressive symbolism, with all the arts it contains, whether in the difference in the material used, the style of expression, the themes that these rituals express, or their goal. Perhaps this is due to the African influence in most rituals. Nii Yartley expressed this by saying: “Traditional arts form part of the daily life of the African. He sings, dances, dramatizes his joys and sorrows, and expresses his hidden feelings majestically in his various costumes, colors, and patterns, with a lot of symbolism. (In addition to this, satisfying the social need for collective support)” (F.Nii-Yartley, 1989: 57- 58). Or what Veena Sharma said: “The spirit of fun lies in the celebration, which represents an external manifestation of customs or worship, and it is the primary source of human freedom and immunity in society. In celebration and feasting, they are a reflection of a fundamental and fundamental harmony with the world. They are two necessary and fundamental parts of human existence... At the heart of the celebration lies knowledge, acceptance, and strangeness... Traditional societies have allocated a certain space for the ritual performance of sacrifice and feasting” (Veena Sharma, 1988: 67-74).

The ritual performance is full of symbolism, in terms of time and place, clothing and jewelry, rhythm, incense, movement, the victim and the characters of the Zar threads. According to what was stated in the Arab Philosophical Encyclopedia, “Expressive behavior can be symbolic, and this is what we find among the primitives. Otherwise, how can we understand the content of their prayers, superstitions, actions, and religious and social practices if we do not see the symbolic expression in it? A symbol is a sharing of what is sacred and a tool for connecting it with its religious and ethnological dimensions. It has a connection to primitive culture through the connection between myth and legend. It has a specific function for understanding the worlds and is described as a tool with which to practice magic whose goal is “Conquering universal power” (Arabic Philosophical Encyclopedia, Vol. 1, 1980: 460-61). The definition of the new Encyclopedia Britannica does not differ from the previous definition, as we find that it emphasizes that the transfer of concepts takes place through visual, auditory and kinetic representations, and is used by all religions. It is also characterized by a dialectic in concealing and revealing knowledge... and that religious expressions and interpretive connections in various forms of signs, gestures and sounds play an important role in the process of symbolic reflexive perception. As for the source of the encoding process, the encyclopedia defines it as existing in the conscious and subconscious world of experience and thought, in the sensory and intuitive perceptions, and in the imagination. Sensation and physiological processes participate in the formation of symbolic structure (New Encyclopedia Britanica, 1973-74: 900-905).

The researcher believes that symbolism in ritual practice does not stray far from the two definitions mentioned above. The forms of signs, gestures, sounds, colors, and materials used may have an active role in the process of symbolic reflexive perception in the Zar ritual. They are considered a non-speaking means of expression and have a relationship with the sacred world and the arts, and they also have a psychological function.

As for symbolism as a type of human activity, it represents a trend that finds its manifestation in the philosophy of Ernst Cassirer and his student Suzanne Langer, where the former focuses on his definition of man as an animal that creates symbols, habitually pronouncing an incomplete term through which we cannot understand the forms of complexity of human civilization, saying that: “We must define man as a symbolic animal, and we cannot through the mind perceive the mythical world... Between the receiving apparatus and the influencing apparatus we find in man a third link that we call symbolic reflection.” (Cassirer, Essay on Man: See the Arab Philosophical Encyclopedia, 1988: 626-7). Therefore, it may be said that, according to Cassirer, man lives in the symbolic dimension, transcending his material world, and ritual practice is only part of the world of that symbolic dimension. Man immerses himself in tangled threads of symbolism, beyond which the symbol transcends, despite its sensual, material structure, indicating other meanings. In this regard, Susan Langer points out that the world of meaning is more expansive than the world of language, that is, that there are areas that cannot be measured on the basis of linguistic logic, such as: arts, myths, and dreams, which are usually symbols full of various meanings. The symbol, as she put it, has a special meaning that derives from contemplating the symbol and being affected by it. Thus, she concludes by saying, “Self-knowledge and the ability to insight into the various stages of life and aspects of the mind stem from artistic imagination” (Langer S.K., 1963: 10).

The sociologist and anthropologist Levi-Strauss acknowledges that human cultural relations are based on symbolic systems, as he points out that he considers any culture to be “a group of symbolic systems, in which language, rules of kinship, economic relations, art, science, and religion occupy the forefront” (The Arab Philosophical Encyclopedia, 1988: 626-627).

* Emoji styles

It is possible to distinguish between three forms that represent symbolic patterns identified by the Encyclopedia Britannica: visual symbols, the symbolic act staged in worship, and linguistic symbols. The visual symbols of many groups are colors that carry different meanings. White, for example, expresses joy, sadness, or death, which are contradictory feelings. Red also has multiple symbolic meanings, as it symbolizes rituals, priests, life and death. In the Christian religion, colors are linked to the sacred, while in the Maya religion they were linked to geographical directions, as they symbolized the east with red, the west with black, the north with white, and the south with yellow (New Encyclopedia Britanica, 1973). As for the ancient Egyptians, colors were associated with human races, as they depicted themselves in red, depicted the peoples living to the east of them in yellow, depicted the people of the regions located to the north of them in white, and kept the color black to depict the peoples neighboring them from the south (Gossett Thomas, F., 1964: 4).

Zar is generally characterized by many patterns of expressive symbolism, expressed in colors, movement, costumes, ornaments, songs, rhythm, sacrifice, and types of food. Color occupies a wide space in the Zar ritual: we find that red is the color of the robe of the spirit of “Luliya the Abyssinian” and the color of the blood of the sacrifice, so much so that the Zar itself is called “the red wind” and is reflected in the drums decorated with henna. The dark blue color is the color of the clothes of the “blue” masters, and the blue color is the color of the robes of the “dervishes,” etc. Color here seems to embody a social language that ritual practitioners understand, a language that is intertwined and interacts in their psychological structure and has its own symbolism. It may be possible that this specific association between the color of costumes and the masters finds an explanation in the association of costumes among shamans, as they are linked to the perspective of the relationship with the sacred. Each thread of the zar has a robe that matches it, and thus the practitioner wears different types of costumes and colors according to the thread. Kinetically, the symbolic action is manifested in the expressive movement practice of dance. Which represents an unconscious collective activity and emotion and has its own symbolic language. Safwat Kamal (1979) says that the forms of ritual practices are what give us the perception, the physical embodiment, and the poetic ability of primitive man. In realizing his existence and his creativity in imagining the forms of forces that surround him. In traditional societies, a person does not distinguish between his person and his body. Between the person, the world, and others, the same fabric prevails in different colors, without any change in the common bond. David Roberton expressed this by saying: “The body is a symbolic construct and not a reality in itself. Hence the origin of countless perceptions that seek to give it meaning and a reason. It has its strange and contradictory character from one society to another” (David Roberton, 1997:5). The Encyclopedia Britannica indicated that signs and movements play an important role in religious rituals and religious behavior and derive their meaning from the perspective of their relationship to the sacred. Sacred dancing is performed in straight lines or circles, and may include jumping, jumping, and hand movements (dancing with hands and fingers, for example, has a specific symbolic meaning in India and some other Asian countries, and is strictly regulated). The use of hands is common in many rites and ritual practices. Touching and adorning the sacred is in accordance with a strict law that is strictly implemented, and the signs accompanying prayers and supplications are examples of them in the Hindu religion, and the practice of Buddhist yoga. Knocking, hitting, pressing, and waving can be considered symbolic signs. When the praying person raises his hands toward the world of the sacred and prostrates, he is communicating with the underworld, and this is the first meaning of prostration. Bowing represents respect, and sitting represents reception and acceptance. For the sacred, these postures are all found in Buddhist meditation. Here we can say that the movements contained in ritual practice are remnants of ancient practices in religions and rituals. In the zar threads, we notice many of these movements. Rotating and moving in lines, swaying with violence in the movement, and freedom of rhythm, all have their symbolic significance to appease the masters in the various threads. Ritual practice can be likened to dreams in that both represent moments of human liberation, in which the laws of time and space disappear and the person expresses himself spontaneously. It may represent a kind of symbolic language that expresses the human experience in general. It is a utopian escape from a reality in which there is an authority that prevents the fulfillment of desires and turns motives into symbolic goals. Or perhaps, it is a release of energy. It is a defeatist consensus, or perhaps it is dance, as defined by Louis Ellfeldt and others (Lois Ellfeldt & Eleanor Mctheny, 1958: 246), as a type of non-verbal art that aims to encode concepts into movements. Dance in movement practice is a purposeful movement expression that represents, in Ekman’s words, several phenomena, as it is a non-linguistic behavior and a non-linguistic means of communication using body language (Paul Ekman, 1977). Judith Hanna adopted Ekman's idea of ​​considering dance as a movement expression as a means of communication. Therefore, it represents a mechanism that allows for common boundaries between the individual and the group. Therefore, it is a natural, cognitive language with internal and external meanings. It is an organization of physical movements along with interconnected rules that confront performance in different social sites. Abdul Hamid Younis points out that dance is a social behavior or physical language, a symbol of feeling, and a more effective means compared to language in revealing needs or desires. Dance movements become codified, stereotypical symbols, and some members of the same society may understand that these symbols are intended to represent experiences in the outside world. He adds that movement and rhythm that target religious, magical, or utilitarian ends are historically prior to language, and that through drama, which uses gesture, gesture, movement, rhythm, and word, in addition to the formation of matter, various forms of the arts can be followed that contain within them multiple means of expression. Drama is one of the most ancient arts and the one most closely linked to the psychology of groups (Abdul Hamid Yunus, 1972). Dramatic expression accompanied by emotion is the essence of ritual practice in the Zar, and this overwhelming emotional response supported by belief was described by Malinowski as representing natural human responses in such a situation and based on a usually psychophysiological mechanism because it brings about what can be called, in his belief, extended emotional expressions in action and word (Malinowski, 1995).

Another aspect of ritual practice is the linguistic symbolism that contains rhythm, sound, and words, which can have meaning in the basic structure of the symbolic process. There are specific rhythms and specific songs for each thread of the zar that are in harmony with the ritual dance. The researcher noted in the field study conducted by (Amal Al-Nour, 1997) in Khartoum Governorate that about 78% of the research sample increased their enthusiasm for practicing ritual dancing as soon as they heard the rhythm, which leads to the conclusion that these rhythms and songs carry a symbolic significance that is linked in the mentality of the practices to dance and psychological interaction not only in the zar rituals but also in wedding parties. The researcher also noticed that there is an essential relationship between the melody and its structure and the song and its main role in communing with the spirits of the masters through the various successive threads, for example the “Dervishes thread,” which is predominantly religious in nature and mentions saints and righteous people in short, repetitive phrases closer to Sufi remembrance:

“God is God, Sheikh Muhammad

“One God, Sheikh Muhammad.”

Or like

“Oh God, my day, healer of eyes

Oh my day, your night is proof.”

(For the full text of the different threads, please refer to: Amal Al-Nour, 1997: 257)

Some girls' threads are similar to dervish threads in terms of repetition:

“Oh Moroccan Aisha

And your father was kind to me

Oh Moroccan Aisha

“By the life of your father, Zili the Most High.”

It has been noted that these threads carry a degree of joy and enjoyment, and give the practitioners the opportunity to identify themselves and display their charms, while we find that the rhythm of the Abyssinian Luli thread is characterized by fast rhythms that allow the practitioner to unleash her body movements in a way that contains some debauchery and displays of the body’s charms. While we find in blue strings that are characterized by violent expressive rhythms based mainly on drums, and express suffering more than an expression of ecstasy and joy, prompting the practice to release its emotions with a degree of violence, brutality, and aggression. Understanding Zar music, its rhythms, and its songs is possible through the close relationship between culture and the turbulent psychological state, which Al-Tijani Al-Mahi sees as having a connection to the first experiences of personality formation, which are the important stages of forming the functional parts of the personality, in which there is a trace of traditional patterns and others that are essentially the main defense foundations of the personality (Al-Tijani Al-Mahi, 1949). Fela Swande (1970) contributed to studying the role of music in traditional societies, pointing out its connection to social rituals and customs, and the raw material of the sounds in it is organized in the form of a structure that has meaning and is generally accepted in its society, and these patterns are linked to the society’s view of the world and its experiences. Traditional music, he believes, can only be analyzed psychologically through its symbolic connotations.

Sounds can have a spiritual and emotional impact and thus be used as a means of connecting to the sacred world. A specific tone can speak to the consciousness of the sacred, and this is done through drums and other rhythms. The Encyclopedia Britannica indicates that percussion instruments can have a symbolic meaning through their shapes and materials, and demonstrated this by mentioning an example from the “Awaitoto” group in Colombia, who believe that the souls of their ancestors are present in the drums. The relationship between religious or belief ideas and music is of special importance, when words permeate the musical rhythm. By supporting the sacred. This was widely used in medieval and modern Christianity, as well as among Muslim Sufi orders. The word is strengthened and gains value and meaning when it is accompanied by rhythm, which is what Attleson and Cantril previously emphasized in their recent review of studies related to the nature of sensory perception, and they pointed out that sensory perceptions can be transformed into symbols (Ittleson, W.H. & Hadley Cantril, 1954).

The structured word or magical formulas are found in the rituals of Zar, and they have their effectiveness and symbolism. Malinowski had mentioned that the organized word is always the heart of ritual practice, and he identified it with three elements related to magical effectiveness, which are: 1- Sound effects, 2- The use of words that appeal to, describe, or command the desired goal, 3- There is an element in every incantation (meaning mythological signs) (Malinowski, 1995: 78-79). The rhyming word, such as (Constitution, Sovereign, and Pardon and Satisfaction) is a call to the masters mixed with rhythm, and the mythological references it contains to call upon those spirits so that they may obtain their pardon and satisfaction. The idea in this call may express the binding word or link between humans and hidden forces, and expresses the hegemony that drives the practice to perform its dances out of fear of the hidden, a charter that includes certain behavioral rules to please the masters. Ahmed Rushdi Saleh had interpreted it according to the popular concept through three approaches: first, the community of saints or jinn as depicted in popular traditions and the intertwining relationship between them and human society; Secondly, the issue of crossing the gap between these two societies; Third, harnessing that hidden power through the literary word (Ahmed Rushdie, 1971: 140-41).

Thus, we find that popular belief depicts the characters of this hidden society, characters who have the characteristics of humans in general and who have human tendencies of tolerance and anger, love and hate, beings created by their imagination, so they plead with them in words, rhythm, and dance as an expression of the idea of the covenant between humans, hidden power, and fear of the hidden.. They are, according to Julian Rutter.. “subconscious motives that have the ability to escape through symbolism in dreams, in pathological symptoms, and in fantasies.” and in other methods” (Julian Rutter et al., 1989:104); Or, in Jung's primitive expression, he is afraid of emotions beyond his control; Because it destroys consciousness, and consequently, it is exposed to states of possession, and all man’s struggle is nothing but an attempt to hold together his consciousness, and this is the purpose of ritual or doctrine, which represent dams and walls to protect against the dangers of the unconscious” (Jung et al. 1978: 22).

There are sensory impressions that exert an influence on the conscience of the practitioner, and are full of symbolism, such as Zar incense. Incense leaves a mental impression and has a conditional connection, which motivates her to practice and respond emotionally, based on her belief in appeasing the masters with these scents, as the use of pungent scents has been common since ancient times to confront magical demonic influences. Crabb (1967) says in this regard: The use of strong, pungent odors are good preventive measures. He believes this may be what may explain the role played by the tom plant in the battles of southern Europe. “Incense in ancient Egypt was considered a gateway to the gods” (Arabic Philosophical Encyclopedia, vol. 1, 1980: 460-62). We still find the use of incense in religious rituals, and in Sudan in particular we find different types of incense, including zar incense, spring incense, bride incense, acacia incense... etc.

The researcher noted in her field study (Amal Al-Nour, 1997: see “Study Results”) that 84% of the research sample confirmed that they felt psychological comfort by inhaling the scent of incense, and 74% of them resorted to using it whenever they felt distressed or sick. These results are consistent with what Ahmed Okasha pointed out, that smell is one of the senses that enables a person to replace things with signs and signs that indicate them, and within the folds of this sense emerge the signs of adaptive behavior, the behavior of readiness, expectation, and vision. One of the trends of psychological advancement is the move from using things to using their symbols (Ahmed Okasha, 1980:78). It can be said that incense has a sensual impression and a symbolic meaning. The sheikha begins her treatment by diagnosing the type of masters by burning several types of incense, which symbolizes the power of the sheikha in summoning the spirits of the masters, and represents a means of communication. By burning incense, she summons the spirit of the “Master” to appear, just as the Zar ritual begins with burning incense and ends with it at the end of the ritual known as closing the containers. Another aspect of symbolism that we see in the Zar ritual is the sacrifice and the Zar table, or what is called in the Zar language “the maiz” and the foods it contains that have their symbolism and foods introduced to the traditional Sudanese table, such as turkey, olives, Romano cheese, and some alcoholic drinks. Some interpreted the victim to be united with the gods, hence the belief in the sanctity of her flesh. Others see it as a gift or bribe to the gods or spirits, while others see it as an alternative or redemption for the one who makes the sacrifice. Some interpret it as a symbolic representation of sin. All of these multiple explanations may be true, partially or completely, but they may not reach the core of the problem (