New Kush, Arkamani's page for issues of modern and contemporary Sudanese history
The Kingdom of Taqli... its origins and decline (1)
D. Omar Mustafa Sharkian
Permission was requested from the author of the research to publish it before broadcasting it on the Internet. The research also appeared in our colleague Sudanile at the same time.
Fry before the shuttle appears
The birth of the royal family and the first shuttles
Peak of the Kingdom... Nasser and Adam Umm Dibalo
Taqli during the Mahdist rule (1882-1898 AD)
Taqli during the era of British-Egyptian rule (1898-1956 AD)
The dynamism of political life in the Tiqli region, as in the Nuba Mountains, has proven hostile to centralization and statehood. Bearing the political culture widespread in the Sudanese Nile Valley, the Gebalio Taqali defended their autonomy against political loyalty; Nor was any external force able to conclude a local alliance with any of the rulers of Taqli (2).
The history of Sudan, in which the truth was assassinated, was written devoid of all the basic features and characteristics that created the events of this country and shaped the destinies of its people in the lands and the Sabalans. If historical events were recorded as they occurred, and historical narrators looked at reliable sources, with their eyes and not their hearts, people would be astonished by the abundance of effort they saw, the arts expended, and the various techniques used in ruling their states and managing their affairs and affairs. As we record the facts of their experiences in order to praise them and call for embracing them if they are successful; We warn against it and warn if it is a failure. Among these states and kingdoms we mention the Kingdom of Taqli.
The Tiqla Mountains, which rise 5,000 feet above sea level, cover an area of 40 square miles. It includes, in its axis, hills that include, among others, the villages of Karaya, Al-Hawa, Tassi and Goulia. These mountain ranges extend eastward to merge with the north-eastern plateaus that rise 3,000 feet above sea level, and end in the rocky mountains known as the Umm Talha Mountains, 35 miles to the east.
There are many stories about the origin of the region's inhabitants, and Janet J. Ewald reported a story that is - in fact - closer to myth than to reality. Janet mentioned that a group of Muslim Funj called (Konyab) lived in Abu Doum, which is 10 miles from Mount Taqli. One day, while they were practicing the craft of hunting, they wounded Titla and chased him until they found the dwellings of (Labujab) in the heart of Taqli, and they were a naked, non-Muslim people. Labujab was impressed by the Konyab's clothes, and the first leader asked the group of hunters (the Munyab) to settle in Taqli and teach them to grow cotton and weave clothes. The Konyab accepted the invitation even though they remained in constant contact with their families in Abu Doum. They also did not interfere with Labujab's religious beliefs, such as girls offering a beard in a well to ensure early rain. There is a saying that they belong to the Saqranj tribe: the man is Saqranawi and the woman is Saqranawi, and to this tribe belongs Khaira - the mother of Ismail Sahib Al-Rababa from Sheikh Makki Al-Daqalashi, who spoke in the cradle (3).
On the other hand, popular stories say that about 400 years ago, a poor wandering Ja'alite landed on the Nile near the mouth of the Atbara River, settled in these hills, and began practicing religious activity, which soon turned political. In this way, and for other reasons that we will mention in this research, he immersed himself in the court of government and began to exercise sovereignty and leadership in this ancient kingdom that became famous in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries in central Sudan. Historians have mentioned that nineteen grandchildren succeeded in ruling the kingdom without interruption: from the son of this Sheikh Al-Jaali, Jilly Abu Jarida, until the king Adam of the Nile Jilly. Islam spread in the region thanks to this poor man, as you find in every village a mosque (4) that was established by the first Muslims and still exists to this day. There are most Sufi orders in the region, but most of them are followers of Sharif Yusuf al-Hindi. This kingdom, which extended from Khor Abu Habal in the north to Taloudi in the south, was of great importance and importance: it was recognized by the Arab tribes that entered the region from time to time. It is no surprise that it challenged, with unparalleled success, the Turkish-Egyptian government for a number of years.
By encouraging immigration and settlement in Taqli during the first years of rule, these incoming rulers were able to change the religion of the people of the region and their way of life, especially since they introduced wearing the turban and saying, “May God grant you a long life.” Thus, a part of the Nuba who believed in local gods in this region turned into Muslims, abandoning what their fathers had worshiped from the most noble African beliefs. As a result of intermarriage and intermarriage with the first inhabitants of the region, a mixture of the group inhabiting the region emerged. As for the inhabitants of Kejakja, south-west of Taqli, they represent the pure element of the indigenous population of the region. Like all Arab tribes in Sudan, the royal family claims to belong to the Jaalites - named after Ibrahim Jaal. There are also in the region the descendants of the Funj, races from Darfur in western Sudan, and the Arabs, who include: the Badiriyah, the Jawaama, and all branches of the Kawahila and Kenana.
Like any monarchy, the system of government in this kingdom was hereditary. The king has absolute freedom to manage the affairs of the country and its people, assisted in this by two of his relatives, one of whom, the soldier, is allowed to meet the king at any hour of the day or night. Anyone who intends to meet the king must meet the soldier first, and he is also responsible for the shuttle in the south of the kingdom: their tributes and gifts are delivered to the king through him. The second assistant is called Sakrawi, and he does not have as many powers as those granted to a soldier, but he is responsible for the northern and eastern part of the kingdom. Sometimes the minister is appointed; The holder of this position is always a close relative of the family. The task of selecting a new MK, if there is more than one candidate, falls to the soldier.
After nearly four centuries have passed, the royal family has become an aristocracy that no one can attack, and the ruling system has not been devoid of excessive cruelty. It was said that Mek Nasser's thugs used to throw political opponents into a stone stove containing hot oil after it reached boiling point, after midday, that is, at the time of the migration. As a result of this terror, many of the Meccan subjects fled outside the kingdom, and some of them lived in the city of Dilling in the countryside north of the mountains.
Fry before the shuttle appears
Four centuries ago, the inhabitants of the north-eastern mountains consisted of a single ethnic element; They were stationed in three areas: Termi in Umm Talha, the Kijakja mountains, and Taqli itself. The people worshiped natural gods and were devoted to them, and lived an uncomplicated life under the hereditary control of the sheikhs in their home, which was located in Taqlaro - near the village of Al-Hui - and they were known as savages, so say the ancient legends. Since the blood of the first inhabitants has melted and mixed with the elements that came to this region from every deep valley, it still remains among the citizens of the Kijakja Mountains, who have maintained the purity of their lineage and lineage.
Although the Kijjakja have converted to Islam in droves over the past three hundred years, they still cling to some of their ancient customs and traditions, and their daily way of life has not changed much (5). You also find them practicing the craft of planting corn on the roofs of the mountains using the wooden husk. They raise livestock; The people rarely ventured far from their mountains. Very few of them spoke Arabic, as in Taqli the local language is rarely in use and has perhaps become forgotten. As for their mayor, or soldier, he descended from the ancient soldiers of Taqli, who was one of the hereditary lieutenants of the ruling sheikhs, and the position continued even during the period of the rule of the Makkaw “Ja’alites.”
The residence of the people of Tqalaro in these rocky mountains and the impregnable fortresses reflects the warlike nature that distinguished the people. Their armament included spears, knives, and stones. It seems that the Kingdom was not afraid of its enemies in the far north or the far west, but its actual enemies were the residents of neighboring communities. No matter how diligent one is, it is very difficult to trace the roots of the region's first inhabitants. But there are many similarities between kijakja and kawalib, which may support the hypothesis of a common ancestry. But the Kijakja converted to Islam, and the Kawalib preferred to maintain their African beliefs, and a part of them converted to Christianity when Christian missionaries entered the region during the British-Egyptian rule in Sudan (1898-1956 AD). Conducting extensive research on the inhabitants of Tokm, Tarjuk, and Taqwa - who adopted Islam as their religion - as well as Nubia in the south of the region may help discover the contrast between the Kijjakja and the Kawalib.
What is certain, and there is no doubt about it, is that since the sixteenth century AD, there have been people living among people who were praising the name of God through the laws of the universe. They have distinctive Nubian features; There was no intermingling or mingling between them and foreigners. This human group formed the nucleus of the Kingdom of Taqli that we are about to talk about. From the above it is clear that before the reins of power were transferred to the incoming rulers, the region had political and social systems of government. All the settler authority did was develop the prevailing system at that time, add a lot of aristocracy, tyranny, deny some inherited customs and traditions, and introduce Islam as a faith in the region.
The birth of the royal family and the first shuttles
Old narratives say that a person named Muhammad al-Jaali came from the north in the year 1530 AD. He enjoyed a good position and gained the respect of the honorable people of the region, and he gradually began establishing the royal family (6). However, information about the man's background is almost non-existent. Perhaps this Jali was one of those who spread throughout the land spreading Islam after the establishment of the Funj Sultanate in Sennar in the year 1504 AD. Perhaps he was one of the social outcasts in his Nile homeland, or a fugitive from justice, or perhaps he was an amateur traveler who wandered the land seeking God’s favor and His pleasure. This expatriate sheikh was not carrying within him mere hopes and ambitions that far exceeded his reality. All that is known about this Muhammad al-Jaali is that he was poor, miserable, and highly ascetic. After wandering around the country, Al-Jaali and a companion named Abu Haima (this may be his nickname for meat and travel) arrived at Taqlaro - which contained the villages of Al-Hawa and Karaya. From here, the Taqlawi Mountains found them and led them to Kaber-Kaber, the city of the region. When they appeared before your mother, they began to make overtures of friendship. As for the king, who was impressed by their ascetic appearance, he welcomed them and honored their resting place with the utmost hospitality. After they were treated well and people's hearts were reassured about them, the two ascetics began teaching the people the basics of Islam, starting with performing prayer rituals while maintaining their worldly rituals. Since that date, the doctrine of Islam has entered the souls of people.
The Jaalis in Sudan claim to belong to Ibrahim Jaal. Since the honor of belonging to Arabism and adopting the Arab identity stems from a sense of pride and pride, the royal family in Taqli, the Nabatab - the dominant clan in Beja - Beni Amer, the Fur sultans and the Wadai kings in Chad decided to embrace the Arab element and make it blood flowing in their arteries. So, who is Abraham, the one who honors everyone who belongs to him, whether true or false, and who reaps the fruits of that claim in the life of this world? Holt says: “The study of Abraham’s lineage indicates that he is the grandson of Abbas, the uncle of the Messenger, may God bless him and grant him peace” (7). McMichael wrote that the resemblance of Saqarang, Makkukqali, or the Sultans of Fur, and the Kingdom of Wadai to Abraham made him return to flattery (8).
Whatever his origin, Muhammad al-Jaali saw people entering the religion of God in droves, or so it was described to him, until he gained a foothold in the region. It did not take long until he became one of those referred to as Lebanon in the Kingdom. Then Kabir gave him his daughter to marry; She gave birth to a son whom they named Abu Jarida - named after the bones in his arm were fused together instead of separate. This is how the child grew up and inherited the faith from his father, and he supported him in spreading the Islamic call to neighboring regions. It is not true that some researchers claim that Islam and Arab culture made their way to this region long before the establishment of the Kingdom of Taqli in the sixteenth century AD (9).
When Kaber-Kaber died, the elders of the people met and chose his grandson Abu Jarida, who was in the prime of his life, to replace Kaber-Kaber Makkah Taqali. At the same time, they renamed Abu Jarida and added the name “Jili”; In recognition of the fact that he is the product of foreign blood, and not a descendant of the hereditary line to the throne. My interlocutor, a citizen of the region, told me that the origin of the word goes back to the distortion of the Arabic interrogative phrase “Why did he come?” (Why did he come?) Abu Jarida’s generation inherited rule on a hereditary basis on the mother’s side, but as soon as Abu Jarida died, the inheritance passed to the father’s side: that is, to the Arab system, and this is what happened when the Arabs mixed with the Nubians in northern Sudan in the seventh century AD.
Thus, in approximately the year 1560 AD, the ruling family was established in Taqli, represented by Jili Abu Jarida. With varying degrees of fame, the inheritors of Abu Jarida ruled and enjoyed broad powers. The kingdom that Jelly Abu Jarida inherited included the Taqli and Kijakja hills, which were under the influence of his grandfather.
What are the achievements made during the era of Jelly Abu Jarida? Gilly Abu Jarida, who had a unique personality, completed the spread of Islam that began during the reign of his father, and worked to expand his influence by bringing settlers to the kingdom so that they could contribute to the extension of power. He built a mosque for himself, moved his capital from the village of Taqlaro, and built his courtyard in Al-Hawa, which is half a mile north. Inside this yard there is a beanstalk that was said to have been dug during his reign. He ruled for a long time, and after his death, he was buried in his courtyard, which later became the royal cemetery. Abu Jarida was succeeded by his son Sabo, who moved from Al-Hawa to Ta'adum, 30 miles to the west. There he continued to spread Islam and expand his kingdom. He passed the baton of power to his sons, Jilly Amara and Omar Abu Shahira, and his grandson, Jilly Awnallah, who ruled the kingdom in succession. When he died, he was buried in Hosh Abu Jarida in Al-Hawa, which became the cemetery of their relatives and ministers.
Islam was the main factor in the formation and survival of this kingdom: because, under the pretext of spreading Islam, the Sultanate was expanded, and in the name of Islam, the Arabic language - the language of the Qur’an - was introduced and Arabization took control of all aspects of life activities in the region. Under the claims of Islam, the doors of the kingdom were opened to clerics, merchants, and adventurers from outside the state. The Kingdom experienced the golden age of Arab entry into Sudan and Islamic evangelization. It is no surprise that the Funj kings sponsored the clergy and sent some of them from Sennar to all parts of Sudan to spread the message. Thus, a part of them delegated to Takli. Among the greatest people who came to Takli for the purpose of preaching and trade were Hassan, Dahsuna, and Taj al-Din al-Bahari in the seventeenth century AD. These Islamic preachers combined spiritual gain on the one hand with material gain on the other, and few of them were rarely advised by their consciences to combine the two. Mak Taqli allocated an area inhabited by residents who followed the religion of their fathers to one of the missionaries as a field for carrying out his missionary and commercial activities. In return, the missionary pays a reasonable amount of his profits to the angel. Some of these missionaries often choose to reside permanently in the region, and they must, therefore, acknowledge the authority of the Sultan and pay a periodic tribute as a price for their protection, and they are treated as trustworthy covenants as long as they fulfill the covenant. In this way, Makkuk Taqli was able to spread the Muhammadan mission, expand the scope of their authority, and subjugate more than one mountain to them. The settlers also married local residents, creating a mixture of families and individuals. Not all Arab migrations to Taqli were for the sake of reciting the sacred scriptures and performing prayers, but rather most of them had gone to the region seeking to trade ivory and slaves. Some of them were fugitives from justice in the Sultanate of Sennar. All of them, through their ethnic mixing, contributed to strengthening the authority of the Makkah until, in the middle of the seventeenth century, their influence became the only one prevailing in the north-eastern mountains. The kings of Sennar used to appoint immigrants from the Funj as shuttles to the mountains of Rashad, Taqwa and Qadir. Finally, Qadir and Taqi became the two greatest provinces of the Funj at that time.
Upon the death of Gili Aoun Allah, his son, Gili Abu Qarun, became his successor; Abu Qarun ruled in the period between 1640-1665 AD. Given the strategic position of the Sultanate of Taqli - by virtue of its geographical location between the Sultanates of Sennar and the Fur - the Sultan of Sennar tried to win the favor of the Kingdom of Taqli so that the two would work together to limit the influence of the Fur (10). So Abu Qarun married Princess Ajab Umm Shaila, the daughter of Sultan Rabat bin Badi, the ruler of Funj, who came to Takli accompanied by a large entourage, and settled in the courtyards of Baloula. From these Sadna, the Funj class arose in Takli and Balula (11). Despite the good relations that flourished between the Funj and the Taqli during the reign of Abu Qarun, King Badi II - known as Badi Aboudqan - launched a military campaign against the Taqli and forced them to pay annual tribute indefinitely. Thus, we find that the intimate ties that culminated in marriage became in vain when political relations became in imminent danger. The competition between the Fur and Funj sultanates over Takali exacerbated the situation and ignited the fire of strife. Sudanese historians were unable to determine the year of aggression, the number of dead, wounded, and prisoners, and the size of the spoils on both sides, due to the lack of historical records.
In any case, the reason for the outbreak of war is that a group of the Meccan Abu Qarun group mistreated one of King Abu Dqan’s loyal friends, blocking his way and plundering his goods. Abu Qarun did not stop there, but rather became evil and challenged King Badi personally. It is known that the Makkut Qali imposed a transit tax on everyone who crossed their kingdom, but it is not certain whether this friend of Badi paid the fees or was he tyrannical and forced? It is said about the clash of the two armies that “the fighting was raging between them during the day, and in the evening each party would go to a truce until the morning came. However, Mek Takli would send dinner tables in a bus to the invading army every night, because they were his guests, as long as they remained inside his land, even if they showed hostility and hatred. When the Sultan of the Funj learned the truth of the matter, he withdrew from the battlefield, ending the war unilaterally, sorry for what had happened, and ashamed. Whoever fights a people with such great nobility, who repel the invading enemy during the day and honor his help at night, is like sandalwood that perfumes the axe the more you tear and smash it.” (12)
King Jelly Abu Qarun had two sons with Princess Ajaib. These two sons succeeded in ruling the kingdom. The princess herself was blessed with longevity, and she played an important role in the events of the eighteenth century, as we will see later. With this defeat, Qali became a province belonging to the Funj Kingdom, but soon the waters returned to their normal course, and the old good relations were restored. She started sending an independent loader to the Hijaz as evidence of her independence.
Gilly Abu Qarun moved to the neighborhood of his Lord and buried his body in Karaya. Then he was succeeded by his eldest son, Muhammad, who may God prolong his life in power, and who was given wisdom and decisive discourse. The presence of many generations who currently belong to him is evidence of the large number of his children. The greatest thing that Mecca Muhammad did was to build the royal capital in Tassie. Upon his death, his brother Omar Abu Zantar became a Mecca. What is said about this Abu Zantar is that he was a cruel and cruel tyrant, and he became hated by most of his subjects: even his mother hated him, was not satisfied with his arbitrary rule, and preferred that power be transferred to her grandson Ismail, the son of Mecca Muhammad, who was young at that time. In order for the mother to get rid of her tyrannical son, Mec Abuzantar, she deceived a great deception. The mother, so the story says, prepared food for Abu Zantar, and hid a sharp knife inside it. As soon as Abu Zantar found this dagger, he shouted a royal shout, and souls fled from it and hearts reached throats. Under the influence of this horrific anger, he executed thirty of his servants. This massacre ignited the spark of the revolution that had been slowly simmering for a long time, especially since the Taqlawians were aware of how the dagger entered the food. Omar and his lords were expelled, and Ismail was declared Mecca over Taqli. However, there is no other information that enables us to identify the circumstances under which Ismail was able to be loved more than his uncle Omar, and to deserve the privilege of being chosen. But the miserable torment that the people were suffering from Abu Zantar, the consequences of what they were exposed to in their lives, and the outcome of their experience forced them to accept any member of the family who attacked them, no matter how inexperienced or young he was. After intermittent battles, the deposed king, Omar Abu Zantar, fled to Sennar to search for military support to confront his enemies in Taqli. He did this in accordance with his mother's own will. At the same time, the mother also sent a secret message to the king of the Funj, who was related to her, asking him not to allow Abu Zantar to return to Takli, and if he found it convenient for him, to kill him.
Abu Zantar and his followers arrived in Sennar at a time when King Badi the Red, king of the Funj, was facing a security problem in a distant part of his kingdom. Al-Ahmar thought that Omar, instead of being killed in the city without a convincing justification, might die if he was sent to subjugate these people outside the central authority in Sennar. Then this task was assigned to him. This was the condition for military financing that Al-Ahmar made to Abu Zantar whenever he returned from the battle victorious. As for Omar, who thought that his chances of success were slim, he accepted the challenge and defeated the rebels, leaving no homes on the ground for those who left. Omar came back demanding his promise, so Al-Ahmar ordered him to return to Taqli with a letter promising to help. Al-Ahmar advised the captain of the boat, who were in the company of the deposed and deceived king, to sink the boat in the White Nile. And so they did, and Abu Zantar and his group drowned, except for two people who survived to tell the tale.
As for King Ismail, who ascended the throne in the year 1705 AD while he was still in childhood - as previously mentioned - he lived until he reached a very old age. In addition to his long life and sound rule, Ismail was kind-hearted, honest, and impartial. In the book, Ismail mentioned that he was familiar with the sciences of Sharia. During the Ismaili era, the borders of the kingdom reached Takum and Tarjouk to the west, Umm Talha to the east, and Khor Abu Habal, or the White Nile, to the north. It is worth noting that in that period, the Kijjakja Mountains were ruled by the descendants of the Mek Zibak or Turay. The latter's descendants belonged to the royal family through their lineage to Meccabou, the second king of Taqli. As for Rashad and Taqwi, on the other hand, they were under the control of the Funj immigrants after one of the first Makkuk Takli delegated them to perform this role. Rashad and Taqwa did not remain under the influence of Makkuk Taqli for much, and soon they gained a degree of autonomy, and they contented themselves with sending symbolic gifts to each Makkuk of Makkuk Taqali the moment he ascended the throne, as these gifts represented a kudu skin, two pieces of a soft dress, and ten pieces of a Damour dress; As well as the slaves whose arrest campaigns intensified during the reign of Mecca Nasser.
Towards the south-west of the kingdom, there resided some Nuba tribes who were subject to the most noble African beliefs, and were indirectly, or in some way, affiliated with Taqli. These tribes are: the Kawalib, the Liri, the Hiban, and the Shuai; And perhaps perfumes as well. All of these areas, except Aturu, lie between Taqli and Shibun, where gold mines were located. When the Qali, which controlled the mines of Shibun and Mandi in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, sent military expeditions to bring in gold, these raids tightened their grip on the tribes that fell in their line of travel. A known tribute was imposed on them, and this tribute was often in the form of slaves. From here we conclude that gold, as a vital economic factor, played an effective role in the political, social and military life of the Kingdom of Taqli. As for Qadir Province, in the south of the Kingdom, its rule was inherited by the tribes of immigrants from the Funj, as was the case in Rashad and Taqwa. Since their Makkuk were semi-independent, they paid tribute or gifts to Makkuk Taqli, and the appointment of their Makkuk was conditional on the approval of Makkuk Taqli. It is worth noting that the Nuba in Kao, Fanjur, Warni, and Kaluki - who were unjustly expelled from their homes by the Kawahla - Tira and Talodi; The eastern Moro may have recognized the sovereignty of Makkuk Qadir and also, indirectly, of Baqali. As an extension of the Funj customs and traditions, Makkuk Qadir, Rashad, and Taqwa wore the royal two-horned crown. This crown, which was approved by Mek Taqli and by royal decree, was of varying degrees in quality and form: the first degree was assigned to the previously mentioned Makkuk, while the other grades were for people of lower rank, such as Makuk Kijjakja and Kadru. There is some speculation that the inhabitants of Al-Kadru and Al-Dayer, in the west and north-west of the kingdom, were subordinate to Mek Ismail “Al-Taqlawi”. These were the borders of the Kingdom of Taqli before the mass migrations of Arabs, which began in the late era of Mecca Ismail and continued until the middle of the nineteenth century AD.
Mek Ismail died in the year 1773 AD after he had reached a very old age, and was buried next to his father’s grave in Tassie. He was succeeded by his son, Abkar, who lived during the reign of the savages in Sennar, and then Takli became independent from the Funj colonization of it. As a result of this independence, the power of the Taqli Kingdom grew internally and externally. Al-Mak died early in the year 1814 AD, and his sons Omar, Ahmed, and Nasser were still young. That's why his brother Al-Maryoud tried to seize power. Due to the poor morals of Al-Maryoud, who did not care despite the public discontent he was enjoying, the soldier and the advisors refrained from putting the affairs of the kingdom and the subjects in his hands. Omar was chosen to succeed his father, with Ajloun - the brother of Mak Abkar - acting as deputy to his nephew, Mak Omar. It was said about this Ajloun that he was a man of high balance, built the regime on a high level of popular satisfaction, and took care of his nephew until he reached maturity and sat on his throne, married him, and then resigned. During the reign of King Omar, Muhammad Ali Pasha - the Turkish governor in Egypt - sent his son Ismail to invade Sudan in the year 1820 AD, to eliminate the Kingdom of Sennar. Mek Omar died at an early age in the year 1827 AD, and his uncle Ajloun did not hesitate much in searching for the caliph. Rather, he moved quickly to install Ahmed - the brother of Mek Omar - as Mecca so that he would miss the opportunity for Al-Maryoud, who was waiting in the wings, and he always lived in the hope that he would be Mecca over Taqli one day.
During the reign of Mek Ahmed, who was relatively weak, the Turks were able for the first and last time to penetrate the kingdom. Where Khurshid Pasha - who became Governor-General of Sudan in the period between 1826-1837 AD - led a campaign to Taqli. It was said that Ahmed Pasha visited Taqli in the year 1840 AD. However, information remains scarce to the point of non-existence about Turkish-Egyptian influence in the Kingdom. If we assume that a peace agreement was concluded between the Turks-Egyptians and Nubia, we are still missing a text explaining the terms of this peace. What was expected was that the Turks-Egyptians would accept an agreement similar to the ill-fated “Baqt” agreement that was concluded between the Nubia under the leadership of their king, Qaladrut, and the Arabs under the command of Abdullah bin Abi al-Sarh in the year 652 AD, especially since the Egyptian Turks invaded Sudan for money and men.
In the year 1843 AD, Marioud, the evil uncle who was still brewing hatred against his brother Makk Abkar’s sons, was able to secretly recruit evil people to help him carry out the plot to usurp power. He succeeded in killing one of Mek Ahmed's relatives, and Minister Al-Mansur, and assassinated Mek Ahmed as well, and seized power by force of arms. Nasser, who was also notorious, tried to strip power from his uncle Marioud and failed miserably. Nasser went to Khartoum to beg the Turkish pashas and pashas to help him recover his stolen rights, with the condition that Nasser would pay, in return, upon regaining his kingdom, an annual tribute of slaves and ivory. He promised that the first installment would be 12 thousand slaves, under the pretext of joining the army. The Egyptian-Turks, who had not succeeded in subjugating Taqli in the first place, let alone the request, which was in fact one of the goals of their occupation of Sudan, rejoiced, and granted Nasser military power, thanks to which he was able to restore his throne and kill Mariud. Askirak Lusher wrote: “Mustafa Pasha, the ruler of Kordofan at that time, arrested Nasser. The latter promised to occupy Taqli if a company of infantry was placed under his command, and when the matter was settled, he would pay a tribute amounting to 4,000 slaves. When he succeeded in restoring the usurped king and killing his brother, he slaughtered all the officers who were with him in the campaign, housed the black soldiers in Taqli, and refused to pay the tribute.” The phenomenon of seeking help and support from foreigners to resolve internal political conflicts is a feature of Sudan’s history. The Nubian kings in northern Sudan sought help from the Mamluk rulers of Egypt in their power disputes until these interventions led to the collapse of the kingdom. The Mervab princes also sought help from Muhammad Ali Pasha in Egypt against his brothers in the sultanate in the Nile Valley in northern Sudan. Therefore, it is not surprising that Nasser went to the Turkish-Egyptians in the city of Khartoum asking for help.
Peak of the Kingdom... Nasser and Adam Umm Dibalo
We mentioned previously how Nasser ibn al-Mak Abkar became king of Tokali in the year 1844 AD, and how the method of brutality and abuse of enemies multiplied during his reign. During the forty years after he assumed power, the kingdom witnessed tremendous expansion - through blood and destruction - and reached its highest peak. Things did not calm down until the reign of Nasser’s successor, and that peace was shattered after the arrival of the Mahdiya. Nasser was distinguished by extreme cruelty, and was very forceful and effective in doing what he wanted. It is said about him that one day he was sitting among people in his office, and laughing loudly. In this situation, a bird with bad luck passed by and echoed Nasser’s voice. When the people saw Makham becoming angry, everyone around him became frightened. Then Nasser ordered that damned bird to be brought. Immediately, the people dispersed, running after the bird from one mountain to another, until it was arrested and brought before it. Nasser personally gouged out the bird’s eyes, then released it again. Likewise, the story of the Kordofan goldsmith tells about his revenge. It is narrated that a goldsmith in white was doing his work and when he was asked what he was doing? The jeweler replied sarcastically that he was making a ring for the nose of the damned King Nasser, and he thought the matter had ended there, then he went to his family to take a walk. However, Nasser heard this news through his spies spread across the globe, and he worked hard to lure the jeweler to Taqli under the pretext of his industry there. When the jeweler arrived, Nasser ordered him to boil silver. When he finished, the jeweler asked him: What should he do with this boiling silver? Nasser replied: It is to make a ring for your nose! Immediately, his executioners attacked the jeweler, and Mek Nasser personally poured liquid silver into his nose until he died.
Nasser was brave and strong. There was a tyrant; Adulterers were brutally punished. When he reneged on his promise and refused to send slaves to the Turkish authorities, an expedition was sent to him by Osman Bey. The expedition suffered a crushing defeat, and the government did not send another force again. King Nasser was intelligent and knowledgeable in the arts of politics and governance, and he used the policy of “divide and rule” with brilliant skill in managing the kingdom. Among his machinations, he allowed the Habbaniya tribe to attack Sanadara: but the latter, under the leadership of their sheikh Haroun, were able with their sticks only to defeat the Bagqara, who were armed with spears and on the backs of their horses they came. Nasser was rarely found in Tassie; As he was always at the head of an overwhelming force over the neighboring tribes: he imposed on them a tax that they paid to him every year, he collected slaves, and he cursed the crafty. When he was in Tassie, he spent most of his day perched on a rock at the top of Mount Chalukduk: observing the movement of the servants, watching everyone who was not working in the field, or who was staring at other people's women lustfully; When he descends in the evening, he judges people whether rightly or wrongly. Perhaps they were delusional and delusional that the Kingdom of Taqli was Islamic and ruled according to what God revealed. Some might be surprised at how the parishioners were constantly reminding each other of one of the perpetrators who was accused in the murder case, and the perpetrator - out of sheer stupidity - chose to resort to God’s law and was executed. Not only was Al-Makkuk's kindness the main motivation for refraining from applying God's limits, but the blood money paid to the public treasury represented a financial wealth that could not be replaced by killing oneself. It was said that Nasser was hated for his attempts to Islamize Taqlawi society and to give a religious character to public life throughout the kingdom.
Nasser's power began to increase overnight, and his eldest son, called Al-Mu'min, was competing with him in his tyranny and power, from whose evil the people were not safe. His corruption and tyranny doubled when his father, Mecca, appointed him over Balula and Umm Talha. The people were unable to bear his many transgressions until the believer kidnapped the fiancée of one of his subjects on the eve of the wedding day, and this act became the straw that broke the camel’s back. The believer's behavior did not please the citizens, who saw various paradoxes in the father's claims and the son's misguidance. How could Nasser turn a blind eye to this social crime as long as he was pouring a whip of torment on those who commit adultery with their eyes? The wise people of the people gathered together and agreed on a common word: that they would get rid of Mek Nasser, and pledge allegiance to his nephew Adam, who later became known as Adam Umm Dibalo, as their place of residence. They decided that this would be the day of the Meccan hunt. On that promised day, the Meccans and his helpers went out hunting, so the people carried out what they had planned. When the citizens learned of Adam's seizure of power, the people of the city came to rejoice. When Nasser realized that he had been forced out of his position, he gathered his followers and fled to Al-Sareef, where he remained for a whole year without harassment or molestation from Adam. Finally, the inhabitants of the region expelled him, and from there he went north and settled in Abu Doum for another two years. When he learned that Adam was preparing to attack him, he fled to the Turkish-Egyptian authorities for the second time, asking for help. The Turkish government was not deceived again, nor did it hold him accountable retroactively for not fulfilling his promise in the past. Rather, it contented itself with granting him a plot of land in Maafouk on the White Nile, where he resided and continued his persecution of people until death took him.
On the other hand, the believer fled to Tarifi in the mountains west of Takli, and lived there until his death. As for his younger brother, Al-Fahl, he tried to lead armed resistance against the Taqli rulers a few years after the fall of his father’s regime, but he suffered a crushing defeat and was killed. Adam assumed power in the year 1859 AD and worked to extend justice and unleash public freedoms to some extent. During his reign, Rashad, Taqwa, and Qadir were allowed to become independent shuttles. And around the capital from Tassi to Karaya; Trade flourished between Taqli and Al-Obeid, and through the latter with Egypt via Darb Al-Arbaeen.
Taqli during the Mahdist rule (1882-1898 AD)
In the twenty-second year of the reign of Mak Adam Um Dibalo, Muhammad Ahmad al-Mahdi settled in Qadir, in accordance with the advice of Abdullah al-Taayshi and his brothers, who advised al-Mahdi to stay away from the Khartoum authorities. Lest his followers think that this alleged migration was nothing but a flight from the Turkish-Egyptian government, Al Mahdi announced to his supporters that he had received a divine message regarding the Mahdist migration to Mount Masa, and from there he would wait for other divine instructions. Since the Mahdi is supposed to have come from Mount Massa in North Africa, the experienced political Mahdi did not hesitate for a moment to name Mount Qadir after Mount Massa, in order to fulfill one of the main conditions of the Mahdi. Whatever the Mahdist claim, the Mahdi immediately requested help from Al-Makadam, whose hostility to the Turkish-Egyptian government was not hidden from anyone. As for Adam - who is knowledgeable about politics and politicians - he agreed to pledge allegiance to the Mahdi and pledge not to attack him or stand in his way, provided that the Mahdi will not attack Taqli whenever his revolution succeeds. As for participating with the Mahdi in the open war against the Turkish authorities, Adam refused to submit to this request, and was content with showering the Mahdi with abundant generosity and moral support. Adam's scholars, that is, his advisors, led by Judge Mirghani Wad Tamim, saw otherwise. They advised him to kill the Mahdi because he is not a real Mahdi. “If you kill him, you will not be responsible for your action before God,” Adam advised them and they advised him. Rather, they insisted that divine duty required killing such impostors. But Adam refused to submit to this consultation, but rather sent his son Omar with the Mahdi to Qadir to join the Mahdi. Omar went deeper into Mahdia, and now occupied a prominent position under the leadership of Caliph Abdullah al-Taayshi.
Al-Mahdi did not lose hope of obtaining help from Adam. In the first years of the revolution, he sent a letter to Adam asking him for money and supplies. But Adam, at the command of the scholars, refused to comply with the request. After the fall of Al-Abyad, Al-Mahdi invited Adam to visit him. This time, despite the advice of his scholars not to go, Adam decided to accept the invitation, and the insistence of Judge Mirghani did not work for him, as he was running after him, and he blamed himself for his regrets that might dissuade him from his resolve, but that was not the case. The biggest surprise was when Adam and his entourage arrived in Al-Abyad to find himself and his relatives prisoners in the hands of the Mahdi. He deeply regretted his trust in the Mahdi, and it ended when he regretted it. As for Judge Mirghani, who exploded in anger and began cursing Al-Mahdi and calling him a fraud and a deceiver, he was executed immediately. Adam realized that he thought well of the Mahdi without reading the unseen, so his punishment was the punishment of Sinmar. When Adam accused him of breaking the covenant between him and Taqli, Al Mahdi was smart in his response, and said that he did not attack Taqli. But did the Mahdi’s successor - after him - refrain from attacking Taqli? Of course not, and we will see how Qali became a theater of military operations and a trap for slaves during the era of Caliph Abdullah Al-Taayshi. Adam died in prison, shackled and bound with ropes, in Shabsha, in the gathering house, during the Mahdi’s march towards Khartoum. As for his sons, Al-Jili, Al-Tahir, and Abu Falaj, who were with their father in prison, they were able to escape arrest. At the same time, Adam had left behind his two sons, Ali Abuznit and Al-Zaybak, to manage the affairs of the kingdom in his absence. But the two brothers quarreled, and Ali took control of the west of the kingdom, while Al-Zaybak remained in Taqli. It was said that their brother, Al-Tayeb, was responsible for Umm Talha. Upon hearing the news of his father's death, Ali declared himself a ruler over Taqli, and entered into fierce battles with his two brothers. From that moment, the Kingdom of Taqli began to witness internal rift, and this dynastic conflict represented the first seed of collapse and fragmentation.
After the death of the Mahdi on June 22, 1885 AD, Caliph Abdullah Al-Taayshi sent Amr, son of Al-Mak Adam, to Taqli to bring him the support of his family. But Omar was met with overwhelming anger from his brothers because he abandoned his father in Takli and in captivity, joined the Dervishes, and wallowed in Mahdia. Omar returned to the Caliph carrying a challenging letter from Taqli. Meanwhile, the Caliph sent a military force under the command of Hamdan Abu Anja and Al-Nur Anqara in February 1885 AD, and then Yunus Al-Dakim followed them to subjugate Taqli, that is, immediately after the fall of Khartoum. This force carried out horrific massacres, killing 7,000 people in the Sanadra region alone, and large numbers of citizens were captured. Everyone who was related to the royal family was slaughtered, and neither the young child nor the old man survived these massacres. In these battles, both Al-Zaybak and Al-Tayeb were killed, and Ali Abu Aznit was able to escape with his skin. Al-Nur's Ankara campaigns also included Ouled Hamid and Kenana in southeastern Tiqli; You remove people as if they were the trunks of palm trees. Hamdan (from the Al-Mandhala tribe) dispersed the people in the depths of valleys and caves, herded their livestock, and burned their grains and homes. Then he entered the country of the Kawalib and seized all the crops and livestock they owned, along with 300 heads of slaves and 120 rifles (13). Abu Anja penetrated Qadir and defeated Mekha Bush. It is said that the humans and monkeys all fled towards Morang. As for why Hamdan refrained from attacking Rashad, it was said that he took with him the horns of an elephant, the daughter of Mek Abd al-Rahman - Mek Rashad, Khalila so that he would not destroy Rashad.
The cultural conflict began clearly in Mahdia between those who professed Islam and those who did not, and the burden of this conflict was borne by the Negro tribes living south of the 13th parallel. In implementation of the Mahdi’s instructions after his appointment as emir of Al-Kadru, Al-Mandal, Nyimang, and all the mountains located west of Taqli, Omar launched attacks on the Christian mission and a Turkish-Egyptian outpost in Dilling. There is no doubt that the Mahdi exploited the religious factor as a main tool in fanning the fire of the popular revolution that swept Sudan at that time, and he benefited from the experiences of Caliph Abdullah Al-Taayshi - who also inherited religious knowledge from his father, who was a jurist. We learned that Caliph Abdullah Al-Taayshi, when he was captured by Al-Zubayr Pasha Rahma in Darfur, tried to endear the idea of the Mahdi to Al-Zubayr, who strongly rejected the matter and rebuked him, then abandoned him completely. As soon as Abdullah had the opportunity with Muhammad Ahmed, the idea impressed him and he began to invest in it religiously and politically. The records of history are full of men who sought power, and gradually began to take leadership in many groups, giving themselves pretentious titles. Some wanted to be both religious leaders and politicians. They had the appropriate opportunity to achieve their goals when social and political violations occurred against the oppressed peoples. Some clerics, who practiced politics, organized campaigns in support of racial equality, the abolition of slavery, and similar matters. For the sake of those campaigns, they were well received by the people, and in their memory they remain. Since the Mahdi had revolted against moral corruption in Sudanese society and the policies of the Turkish-Egyptian government, he did not do anything against the practice of slavery, which is the greatest moral crime in the history of human civilization. Rather, the Mahdi allied with the slavers who saw the new government’s policies against slavery relations as a threat to their commercial interests. Among these merchants were Elias Pasha - the former governor of Kordofan - and his son Omar in Al-Obeid, Othman Digna in eastern Sudan, and others who allied with him against the regime and its rulers. Among those people we mention: Abdullah Wad Dafallah and his brother Ahmed Bey Dafallah in Al-Abyad.
Let us leave the matter of the Mahdi aside and return to the political struggle over power in the Kingdom of Taqli. Ali Abuznit was able to re-establish his position in Kanduru, and began to honor everyone who stood with him in this long struggle, such as Nile Idris, who later became the mayor of Moreeb. Ibrahim Al-Khalil attacked the villages of Taqwa, parts of the Kijakja mountains, as well as Awlad Hamid in Miyeh in 1892 AD. If this Hebron had intended to fight Taqli, he would have found it disintegrated and on the verge of falling, due to the dispersion that befell the descendants of the royal family. The brotherhood was divided, disagreements prevailed, and the kingdom entered into a desperate internal conflict that threatened its independence and survival as a political entity that was independent for a period of time and before it took its last breath. Gilly, Ali Abu Aznit’s brother, escaped from his detention in Gedaref in 1891 AD, and was appointed minister to his brother Al-Mak. Ali was a tyrant to an extent that exceeded the tyranny of Al-Maknasir. As for my generation, who enjoyed wide popular support, he saw himself as the legitimate king, and therefore Ali decided to kill him. The conflict over power became intense, and rivals competed. The strife reached its peak when one of the Rawwaqa Hawazma, called Nasser, came fleeing from the Dervishes and asked for political asylum in Taqli. Ali had no qualms in accusing this supplicant of being a Mahdist spy, and sentenced him to death. As for Ibn al-Mutawasul, he ran to my generation’s house to seek help from Ali’s brutality and his gang, and my generation promised him that he was in safe hands. But as the night got dark, Ali's agents went to Gilly's house, took the child, and killed him. That was in the year 1892 AD. With this incident, my generation believed that Ali intended to kill him if he saw the opportunity. Therefore, a man had come to him from the farthest part of the city, seeking, and he said to him, “The people are conspiring against you to kill you, so come out. I am one of your advisors.” Gilly agreed with his followers to meet him in Baloula, and then they fled to Tassi. Volunteers from Taqli followed him in Baloula, under the leadership of Al-Faki Al-Hassan from the Kawahila, and pledged allegiance to him in Mecca over Taqli. Ali sent an army force led by Al-Faki Abdul Karim, a sheikh from a segment of the Kawahila, to fight my generation in Balula. Abdul Karim and his soldiers joined my generation and began to perform the duties of loyalty and obedience. Abdul Karim sent a letter to Ali telling him that he had been defeated in the battle and had been captured prisoner.
It was not long before Geli was at the head of a large force of warriors, especially when he sent his brother Abu Falaj to recruit the sons of Hamid. My generation moved towards Tadgal and met Ali in Tarifi. Despite this strength, my generation was defeated and retreated towards the south to Tadgal in the Kejakja Mountains, where reinforcements arrived from those who had deserted Ali and those returning from Mahdia. He fought Ali and defeated him, and the latter fled. Ali gathered a multi-national force from Taqwa, Al-Dabab, and even Al-Kawalib, and began leading a guerrilla war against my generation: destroying the crops and livestock in the areas located in the west and north of the kingdom. Finally, the play came to an end in the year 1896 AD, when Gilley strengthened his military position with the returning Dervishes who had deserted the Caliph when Kitchener and his British-Egyptian and Sudanese soldiers who joined the invading forces loomed on the horizon, and the defeat of the Ansar was just around the corner. After the decisive battle between the two brothers, Ali was defeated and settled in Jabal al-Dayer, and thus my generation was alone in power: it established the truth, governed the creation, took care of the people, and took care of the country. The British tried to restore Ali's reputation, and made him responsible for the mountains of Takm and Tayshan - west of the mountains of Taqli - and this area later included Dileka and Al-Murayb. Ali lived there until he died in 1922 AD, and was succeeded by his son, Abkar. As for my generation, which signed the peace agreement with Caliph Abdullah Al-Taayshi, they returned and broke that covenant. Perhaps he learned from the mistake his father made with the Mahdi. When the Caliph fled to Abu Doum after the Battle of Karari in Omdurman, Geli refused to provide him with protection. He ordered his agent, Abdullah Jawdat - who had previously worked as a lieutenant in the Caliph’s private guard in Omdurman and fled to Taqli with a number of jihadists - to expel him from Taqli. The Caliph was expelled from Baloula, and from there to Qadir, where he hid until he finally emerged to meet his Lord in the Battle of Umm Debikrat.
In the year 1899 AD, the British-Egyptian authorities appointed a warden in Karaya, but Gilley - who wrote to the governor of Kordofan in El Obeid thanking him for this appointment - began to ignore this warden, and began to manage the affairs of the people and the country as before. He colluded with the movement of Sharif Muhammad Al-Amin in Taqli in the year 1903 AD, and when Al-Amin was arrested and publicly hanged in Al-Obeid, and his followers were imprisoned, my generation was taken to criminal accountability. When he informed the British-Egyptian authorities that Al-Amin had deceived him, he was released. Geli died in 1916 AD after his influence had diminished and became very limited. He was succeeded by his son Abkar, who lived until 1921 AD, and his brother Adam al-Nil Geli assumed the throne after him.
Taqli during the era of British-Egyptian rule (1898-1956 AD)
When King Adam Jelly - the nineteenth King - ascended the throne in the year 1921 AD, Sudan had entered a new phase in its modern history, through the British-Egyptian invasion of the country on September 2, 1898 AD, and the new authority began the process of collecting the pieces of the kingdom and trying to revive the crumbling hereditary rule. The dual system gave the old governing bodies a renewed character, and therefore we find that Takli became part of the region’s rural council in January 1947 AD. The idea of dividing the parts of the Kingdom came on April 1, 1931 AD, after the abolition of the Nuba Mountains Directorate and the addition of Talodi to the Eastern Mountains region. The Kingdom witnessed other administrative developments. King Adam chose Abar Kutari as his new capital in the year 1929 AD instead of Karaya in the Kijakja Mountains. He refused to use the name Kutari and gave the capital the name Abbasiya. The new capital had an important strategic location, in addition to being a very important commercial and economic center. We find it a source of water, and it has good communication routes between the east and the south, and is close to the railway in Umm Rawaba. The opening of the Rashad-Al-Abbasiya road in the same year gave it a special status. Then the establishment of a judicial court under the influence of the Kingdom, and granting it broad judicial powers.
In the year 1930 AD, the Al-Kawahila and Kenana verticals in Baloula and Abu Jaris and Umm Talha in the east became under the judicial authorities of Mecca, and the population increased with the addition of 4,100 citizens to the Kingdom. In 1932 AD, Al-Murieb and Taqwa (numbering 3,300 people at the time) were incorporated into the Kingdom, as were Tarjouk and Taqwa (2,500 people) the following year. Takali - with the exception of Rashad - is now bordered to the west by the Hawazma, under their governor, Al-Zubair, and to the south, by Awlad Hamid and Kenana, under the administration of the governor, Radi Kambal, who became the governor's agent in the city of Abu Jubaiha. By 1934 AD, the district's budget had risen to £1,265. In the year 1935 AD, Taqli’s judicial influence extended to Rashad (7,800 people), as well as the sons of Hamid, Kenana, and Al-Kawahla in Kaluki, with their supervisor, Muhammad (13,200 people). After restoration, the area of the Kingdom reached 1,200 square miles, its population was more than 47,000 people, and its budget jumped to 3,500 pounds sterling. The population became a mixture of Arabs, Muslim Nuba in Rashad, non-Muslim Nuba in Kau-Nyaro, and tribes originating in Nigeria (the Fallata). By 1937 AD, Nazir Al-Liri joined the region, and in 1943 AD the budget increased by adding 1,600 pounds sterling to it from the four verticals. Two years later, the Talodi verticals joined and the budget reached 15,000 pounds sterling and the population reached 140,000 people.
The Kingdom was divided into two administrations and these two departments were divided into 7 departments:
(1) Northern Administration: It includes 3 departments: Taqli, Al-Hawazma, and Rashad (Taqwi and Tarjouk group). It is under the management of Al-Mak's brother - Sheikh Haj Al-Taher Jili.
(2) The Southern Administration: It includes 4 departments: Ouled Hamid-Kenana, Al-Kawahla in Kalogi, Al-Liri, and Amodia Talodi. Its affairs are managed by the principal, Radi Kambal.
When Al-Mak decided to resign in 1946 AD in order to retire from public work and focus on his private life, the administrators refused because his son was still young and unable to inherit power. As for the political system that became prevalent in the region since January 1, 1947 AD, it was known as the region’s rural council, which consisted of tribal representatives appointed by the governor of the district, three members representing external interests - who were also appointed by the governor - and then the commercial representative - who was elected by businessmen and financiers in the main markets in Abbasiya, Rashad, and Talodi. Al-Mak Adam found a good opportunity to refuse the presidency of this esteemed council, so the council elected his brother Sheikh Haj Al-Taher Jili as president of the council, at least, during the first three years of the council’s founding.
From the above-mentioned historical facts of the political and social events on which the Kingdom of Taqli was established, we find that the kingdom was very independent. The kingdom's subjects were able to escape from the yoke of exorbitant taxes, which was a feature of the Turkish-Egyptian era in Sudan (1821-1885 AD). Based on this, King Adam Um Dibalo refused to pay taxes when Elias Pasha - the ruler of Kordofan at that time - sent his messengers from his headquarters in Al-Obeid to the king “Al-Taqlawi”. What was Adam’s response to the messengers of Elias? McAdam told them: “I only pay the value of the goods I buy from the merchants, but I will not pay them taxes.” Meanwhile, King Adam sent a message to Al-Abyad, inquiring and denouncing what happened to the Turks and Al-Abyad? Were all of them killed, Abta'un, until the government started appointing the "jalaba" merchants from the Ja'aliyyin, Danaqla, and Shaiqiyya to high positions without giving them to men of great importance? This disapproval was enough for the authorities to relieve the governor of Kordofan, Elias Pasha, and his assistant, Abd al-Rahman bin Naja, from their positions when they saw that they did not enjoy appreciation and reverence by the people. However, the exemption had other reasons, namely the political and commercial competition of the slave traders in El Obeid and the results that resulted from this heated conflict, especially if we realize the fact that one of the reasons for Muhammad Ali Pasha’s invasion of Sudan was in order to obtain strong men (slaves) to modernize his army, as well as to collect money to expand the influence of the Ottoman Empire. To satisfy the urgent desire of the authorities and their personal interests, the Turkish and Shaiqi tax collectors and the soldiers (Bashabzuq) used brutal methods, and the method of bribery and nepotism spread, which is what the Kingdom of Taqli survived thanks to its independence.
They always say that history is written by the victors, and this is the case with the history of Sudan (History is written by victors). Those who wrote the history of this country are those who sat on the throne of power in Khartoum, whether the British-Egyptians, the foreigners who served the Ottoman or British Empire in Sudan, or the ruling minority that inherited power from the colonialists. In any case, these are glimpses and glimpses of a civilization that prevailed and then disappeared, and we have deemed it necessary to shed light on it to remove the fog that has been hanging over it for some time, either due to the ignorance of the ignorant, or the distortion of the exaggerators, or the impersonation of the false. But there are questions that still need answers: We mention, for example, the need for an ethno-linguistic study of the Taqli population and their relationship with other Nuba tribes. As well as the relationships that may have linked them to the ancient Nubian kingdoms on the banks of the Nile River before the Arabs entered Sudan. This means indulging in studying the letters and manuscripts of travelers who visited Sudan and the region, as well as conducting field research with some of the senior Taqali, in addition to carrying out excavations in the region. Are we effective?
(1) See Dr. Youssef Fadl Hassan, Introduction to the History of the Sudanese Islamic Kingdoms in Eastern Sudan (1450-1821 AD), Sudanese Book House, Khartoum.
(2) Ewald, J J, Soldiers, Traders and Slaves: State Formation and Economic Transformation in the Greater Nile Valley (1700-1885), USA, 1990.
(3) See Muhammad bin Al-Nur bin Daifallah: The Book of Classes in the Saints, the Righteous, the Scholars, and the Poets in Sudan, edited by Dr. Yusuf Fadl Hassan, Khartoum, 1971 AD.
(4) Al-Masid is a private mosque and a school for teaching the Qur’an and Hadith.
(5) In addition to the martyrdom, which is one of the five pillars of Islam, we find that the Bedouins practice some rituals and customs that are considered in some religious circles heresy that is contrary to Islamic teachings. These customs include supplicating to the Creator under the Heglig tree, and offering sacrifices to the Creator on the mountaintops. This is the Islam of the people of Sudan, in which superstition is mixed with belief and tradition with worship.
(6) Elles, R S, The Kingdom of Tegali, Sudan Notes and Records, Vol XVIII, Part I, 1935.
(7) Holt, P M, A Modern History of the Sudan: From Funj Sultanate to the Present Day, London, 1961; Slatin Pasha, R C, Fire and Sword in the Sudan: A Personal Narrative of Fighting and Serving the Dervishes (1879-1895), London, 1897.
The Jaalis attribute themselves to their grandfather, Abbas, the uncle of the Messenger, may God bless him and grant him peace, in the Arabian Peninsula. They are proud of this lineage, and they look with some sarcasm and contempt at the Danagles, whom they consider descended from the slave Denqul. According to legend, Dongul - although he was a slave - rose to the rank of ruler of the Kingdom of Nubia, and paid tribute to Bahnissa, the Coptic priest, who was in charge of the area between Sarras and Al-Dabba. Dongul built the city of Dongola, which now bears his name, and the citizens of this region soon began to be known as the Danakla. Although they mixed and intermarried with Arabs and local citizens, and they also insist that they are Arabs, they were not exempt from the accusation of slavery and racial discrimination by the Jaalis.
(8) MacMichael, H A, A History of the Arabs in the Sudan, Vol 1, Cambridge, 1922.
To learn about the origin of the name (Ja'al), see an article on Halib entitled The Negro Origin of the Names of Sudanese Towns... Meanings and Dimensions, Sudanile, 5/7/2003 AD.
(9) See Siraj al-Din Abdel Ghaffar Omar, History of the Conflict in the Nuba Mountains (Period 1984-1996 AD), Khartoum, 1996 AD.
(10) Dr. Shawqi El-Gamal, The History of Sudan and the Nile Valley: Its Civilizations and Its Relationship with Egypt from the Earliest Ages to the Present, Part One, Cairo, 1996 AD; See “Khartoum” newspaper: 9/12/1995 AD - Issue No. 986.
(11) Ibrahim, A U M, The Dilemma of the British Rule in the Nuba Mountains (1898-1947), Khartoum University Press, 1985.
(12) Ahmed Muhammad Al-Badawi, “Al-Hiwar” magazine: October 1993, third issue, first year.
(13) Awad Abdul Hadi Al-Atta, The Political History of Kordofan in Mahdia (1881-1899 AD), Khartoum, 1973 AD.
(14) Kenrick, J W, The Kingdom of Tegali, Sudan Notes and Records, Vol XXXIX, Part II, 1948.
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